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Kościół katolicki wobec pamięci zbiorowej Polaków. Ciągłość i zmiana
No full textThe paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles.The paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles
Kobiety w polityce, aspiracje i praktyka
Get PDFThe paper discusses the role of women in public life, in particular in the realm of politics. Surveys show that women do well in free market economies, where they rank quite highly in the European Union (35% of employers), whereas their participation in politics is considerably smaller. The paper presents the data on women participating in the highest bodies of representational authorities and local governments, as well as their achievements in the Women’s Parliamentary Group and their struggle to obtain parity on electoral ballots, concluded by winning a 35% quota.The paper discusses the role of women in public life, in particular in the realm of politics. Surveys show that women do well in free market economies, where they rank quite highly in the European Union (35% of employers), whereas their participation in politics is considerably smaller. The paper presents the data on women participating in the highest bodies of representational authorities and local governments, as well as their achievements in the Women’s Parliamentary Group and their struggle to obtain parity on electoral ballots, concluded by winning a 35% quota
Przyczynek do dyskusji nad pojęciem systemu rządów
Get PDFThe considerations presented in this paper are focused on the issue of governmental systems. The authors try to outline the main problems and dilemmas as concerns its definitions. They point to the normative elements of governmental systems and discuss the issue of efficiency, because every governmental system is defined by formal (established in legal regulations) as well as the actual, or real, relationship between the legislative and executive power. While the interdependence of legislative and executive power is the main focus here, judicial power is also referred to. In order to comprehensively present and characterize a given governmental system it is advisable to account for the legal and constitutional aspects, as well as practical ones. The concept of a political regime or a political system in relation to governmental systems is also discussed, and criteria for the analysis of the interdependence of individual powers in the state are indicated.The considerations presented in this paper are focused on the issue of governmental systems. The authors try to outline the main problems and dilemmas as concerns its definitions. They point to the normative elements of governmental systems and discuss the issue of efficiency, because every governmental system is defined by formal (established in legal regulations) as well as the actual, or real, relationship between the legislative and executive power. While the interdependence of legislative and executive power is the main focus here, judicial power is also referred to. In order to comprehensively present and characterize a given governmental system it is advisable to account for the legal and constitutional aspects, as well as practical ones. The concept of a political regime or a political system in relation to governmental systems is also discussed, and criteria for the analysis of the interdependence of individual powers in the state are indicated
Modele wychowania seksualnego w rodzinach pochodzenia współczesnych kobiet na tle przemian obyczajowych w sferze seksualności
Get PDFThe paper attempts to present the transformations in sexual morality and their significance for the sexual upbringing of men and women. The results of the research presented herein allow us to analyze the models of sexual upbringing implemented in the families of origin of modern young women. It also verifies whether there are differences between men and women in the realm of sexual upbringing in their families of origin and if there are differences in their sexual functioning within a partnership depending on the model of sexual upbringing in the family of origin.The paper attempts to present the transformations in sexual morality and their significance for the sexual upbringing of men and women. The results of the research presented herein allow us to analyze the models of sexual upbringing implemented in the families of origin of modern young women. It also verifies whether there are differences between men and women in the realm of sexual upbringing in their families of origin and if there are differences in their sexual functioning within a partnership depending on the model of sexual upbringing in the family of origin
Od dyktatury do demokracji: ewolucja systemu wyborczego Hiszpanii
Get PDFAfter 1975 Spain began the difficult process of transforming its political system. The changes included the electoral system, but rather than only reconstructing the system, the principles of how to elect the representatives of the Spanish nation were stipulated anew. Therefore, the paper attempts to answer the question of whether the solutions adopted fully reflect the principle of national representation, as intended by their authors. It is also necessary to present the proposals to reform the Spanish electorate system suggested by Spanish academia.After 1975 Spain began the difficult process of transforming its political system. The changes included the electoral system, but rather than only reconstructing the system, the principles of how to elect the representatives of the Spanish nation were stipulated anew. Therefore, the paper attempts to answer the question of whether the solutions adopted fully reflect the principle of national representation, as intended by their authors. It is also necessary to present the proposals to reform the Spanish electorate system suggested by Spanish academia
Homo sovieticus – „jednowymiarowy klient komunizmu”, czy „fenomen o wielu twarzach”?
Get PDFThe paper analyzes a symbolic notion that entered Polish political discourse at the time of political transformation, namely the notion of homo sovieticus. The author emphasizes a dichotomy in how this notion has been presented in Poland and in the Soviet Union, and later in the Russian Federation. In Poland this symbol was primarily assigned all the negative features associated with the pre-transformation society and with soviet ‘communism’ (Rev. J. Tisch- ner). In Russia, the associations most frequently evoked by the notion of homo sovieticus were more varied (A. Zinovjev, S. Alieksiyewich, W. Yerofieyev). Ideological zeal, or commitment to the ethos of work, were referred to more often there. Czes3aw Milosz presented an- other interesting approach to the topic, interpreting homo sovieticus more in terms of a victim of the ‘totalitarian system’ while emphasizing the issue of violence – both symbolic and subjective, and the uniformization of society (which had a considerable impact on ‘shaping’ the social mass as desired by the authorities). The paper attempts to stress the fact that the notion of homo sovieticus or soviet man is frequently refused the right to an actual identity, as it is mainly associated with the negative aspects of human nature. It is forgotten that an individual identity is the sum total of many factors: its self-identification and placement, the collective self-consciousness of the group, the historical conditions or axiological system prevailing and socially accepted in a given historical period.The paper analyzes a symbolic notion that entered Polish political discourse at the time of political transformation, namely the notion of homo sovieticus. The author emphasizes a dichotomy in how this notion has been presented in Poland and in the Soviet Union, and later in the Russian Federation. In Poland this symbol was primarily assigned all the negative features associated with the pre-transformation society and with soviet ‘communism’ (Rev. J. Tisch- ner). In Russia, the associations most frequently evoked by the notion of homo sovieticus were more varied (A. Zinovjev, S. Alieksiyewich, W. Yerofieyev). Ideological zeal, or commitment to the ethos of work, were referred to more often there. Czes3aw Milosz presented an- other interesting approach to the topic, interpreting homo sovieticus more in terms of a victim of the ‘totalitarian system’ while emphasizing the issue of violence – both symbolic and subjective, and the uniformization of society (which had a considerable impact on ‘shaping’ the social mass as desired by the authorities). The paper attempts to stress the fact that the notion of homo sovieticus or soviet man is frequently refused the right to an actual identity, as it is mainly associated with the negative aspects of human nature. It is forgotten that an individual identity is the sum total of many factors: its self-identification and placement, the collective self-consciousness of the group, the historical conditions or axiological system prevailing and socially accepted in a given historical period
Feminizm amerykański trzeciej fali – zmiana i kontynuacja
Get PDFThe history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society.The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society
Relacje polsko-rosyjskie w retoryce politycznej obchodów rocznic zbrodni katyńskiej po 1989 roku. Perspektywa politolingwistyczna
Get PDFPolish-Russian relations seem to be heavily burdened by historical experience. History in- fluences the present not only indirectly, via historical facts, but also via the ways of commem- orating them. Referring to their memories, social groups strengthen the sense of their own uniqueness and cultural identity. One of the ways to commemorate events are anniversary celebrations accompanied by a certain political rhetoric. The author analyzes the texts, press releases, commentaries and an- niversary speeches given by politicians to commemorate the Katyñ massacre published by the „Gazeta Wyborcza” and „Rzeczpospolita” daily in April 1990, 2000 and 2010. Among the figures of memory identified in the analyzed texts which are typical of the Pol- ish-Russian dialogue concerning the Katyñ issue over the period of 1990–2010, there prevails a certain group of topoi appropriated by the language of politics from Christianity, and pre- cisely from the sacrament of confession. These topoi are based on reconciliation and compen- sation. Other topoi involve those of a victim, righteous Russian or a common field of memory.Polish-Russian relations seem to be heavily burdened by historical experience. History in- fluences the present not only indirectly, via historical facts, but also via the ways of commem- orating them. Referring to their memories, social groups strengthen the sense of their own uniqueness and cultural identity. One of the ways to commemorate events are anniversary celebrations accompanied by a certain political rhetoric. The author analyzes the texts, press releases, commentaries and an- niversary speeches given by politicians to commemorate the Katyñ massacre published by the „Gazeta Wyborcza” and „Rzeczpospolita” daily in April 1990, 2000 and 2010. Among the figures of memory identified in the analyzed texts which are typical of the Pol- ish-Russian dialogue concerning the Katyñ issue over the period of 1990–2010, there prevails a certain group of topoi appropriated by the language of politics from Christianity, and pre- cisely from the sacrament of confession. These topoi are based on reconciliation and compen- sation. Other topoi involve those of a victim, righteous Russian or a common field of memory
Rzecz o nepotyzmie i kumoterstwie
Get PDFThe paper comprises an introduction, four parts, and conclusions. The introduction char- acterizes the fundamental notions discussed in the paper, namely kin selection, nepotism, cronyism and political capitalism. The first part of the paper concerns kin selection and reciprocal altruism, which are deemed to be the fundamental mechanisms of socialization. This part indicates that nepotism has a biological justification (and in R. Dawkins’ interpretation – a genetic justification). The mechanisms of kin selection and reciprocal altruism raise the question of whether nepotism is not a natural phenomenon in humans. If so, this means that the negative assessment of these phenomena of public life goes against natural human inclinations. The second part of the paper refers to the origins of the notion of nepotism and to a particu- lar understanding of the public realm in modern democracies. The development of democracy has been related to the transformation of the mechanisms of governance which consisted in concessions made by the authorities to those demanding changes. Political struggle has been minimized as it was directed at competition among citizens. The struggle for the change of power has been replaced by the struggle for access to positions and goods in the public realm. Axiological justification has been provided by social justice as a claim for equal access to goods by virtue of principles of transparency. The third part of the paper discusses the issue of nepotism and cronyism in public opinion. It refers to the results of public opinion surveys concerning, among other things, favoritism, ways of looking for jobs, unequal opportunities on account of social status, and the social sta- tus of the family. Additionally, selected examples of nepotism and favoritism in political life are presented. The fourth part deals with the issue of political capitalism both in the interpretation of M. Weber and as a phenomenon of the transition of the Polish socio-political system. Political capitalism can be defined in a nutshell as using state structures or political positions for an un- fair distribution of goods and is expressed by muddy links between the representatives of state with the private business sphere.The paper comprises an introduction, four parts, and conclusions. The introduction char- acterizes the fundamental notions discussed in the paper, namely kin selection, nepotism, cronyism and political capitalism. The first part of the paper concerns kin selection and reciprocal altruism, which are deemed to be the fundamental mechanisms of socialization. This part indicates that nepotism has a biological justification (and in R. Dawkins’ interpretation – a genetic justification). The mechanisms of kin selection and reciprocal altruism raise the question of whether nepotism is not a natural phenomenon in humans. If so, this means that the negative assessment of these phenomena of public life goes against natural human inclinations. The second part of the paper refers to the origins of the notion of nepotism and to a particu- lar understanding of the public realm in modern democracies. The development of democracy has been related to the transformation of the mechanisms of governance which consisted in concessions made by the authorities to those demanding changes. Political struggle has been minimized as it was directed at competition among citizens. The struggle for the change of power has been replaced by the struggle for access to positions and goods in the public realm. Axiological justification has been provided by social justice as a claim for equal access to goods by virtue of principles of transparency. The third part of the paper discusses the issue of nepotism and cronyism in public opinion. It refers to the results of public opinion surveys concerning, among other things, favoritism, ways of looking for jobs, unequal opportunities on account of social status, and the social sta- tus of the family. Additionally, selected examples of nepotism and favoritism in political life are presented. The fourth part deals with the issue of political capitalism both in the interpretation of M. Weber and as a phenomenon of the transition of the Polish socio-political system. Political capitalism can be defined in a nutshell as using state structures or political positions for an un- fair distribution of goods and is expressed by muddy links between the representatives of state with the private business sphere
Demokracja dyskursywna w myśleniu politycznym
Get PDFThe paper concerns one of the concepts of democracy. Each democracy assumes that the people who live together in society need certain procedures/institutions to make binding decisions that take into consideration everybody’s interests. The notion of a deliberative democracy is used to describe a system of political decisions based on the decision-making process perceived as a combination of consensus and representative democracy. Discursive democracy is a theoretical model of a political system propagated by Jurgen Habermas and Jon Elster, and also by Joshua Cohen, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. The concept was used for the first time by Joseph M. Bessette in his work Deliberative Democracy: The Majority Principle in Republican Government in 1980, and later on in The Mild Voice of Reason in 1994. Public debate is a key aspect of the discursive concept which emphasizes the manner in which all arguments are presented in open discussion. Discursive democracy assumes a larger participation of citizens in the legislative process by means of institutionalized debates organized to complement the process of informal opinion shaping. Deliberative democracy will win an increasing number of proponents. This certainly is not only a matter of will but also of realistic opportunities to participate in the process of building a deliberative democracy