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Czynnik kulturowy w relacjach francusko-amerykańskich
Get PDFFrench-American relations certainly are among the most complex and at the same time most controversial in French foreign policy. The main factors that determine the nature of relations between France and the US include culture. A few features can be pointed out here to demonstrate their unique nature. Firstly, the importance of anti-American sentiments and Francophobia (anti-French sentiments) should be emphasized. The roots of these broadly shared attitudes may be sought both in the past (the experiences ofWWIand WWII) as well as in the present political relations between the two countries. The French nation is generally critical of American foreign policy, the US social and economic system. In the USA, in turn, we come across a similar attitude of Francophobia. This mainly stems from the commonly shared image of France as a difficult, chaotic and unpredictable ally. While anti-American sentiments and Francophobia do not translate into political decisions made either in Washington or Paris, they still influence the atmosphere of mutual relations, as became apparent when American restaurant owners boycotted French wines during the Iraqi crisis. At the same time, though, both nations recognize each other’s achievements in such fields as culture, art or human rights. Secondly, the “conflict of universalism” described by Stanley Hoffman is worth noting. As both countries deem themselves to be the cradle of such universal values as liberty, equality, justice and human rights, they both assign themselves with a unique status among other countries. It is true that the repertoire of values France and the US represent is nearly identical, yet they are frequently understood differently on both sides of the Atlantic. Thirdly, the French-American relations are also profoundly influenced by the common French belief in France being an exceptional and powerful country. The national perspective and the manifestation of France’s privileged position in the international arena are to a significant degree present in their relations with the US. Ezra Suleiman, among others, observed that the French political elite were allergic to any forms of political, economic or cultural domination. Other issues that influence the state of French-American relations concern differences in the economic or social system, or the role of religion in the life of the state
E-politics from the citizens’ perspective. The role of social networking tools in influencing citizens
Get PDFThe progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, has led to a series of social, economic and political changes. The information society, in its expectations and through access to knowledge, has significantly affected a change in the model of democracy, causing a kind of return to the original forms of communication in citizen-government relations. This has been accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from the real to the virtual world. In literature, the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is named electronic democracy. One of its forms is e-politics, which is implemented at several levels: institutional, system and civil. A good example of the last type are the new social movements that in recent years have had a significant impact on politics. The basic research problem in this paper concerns e-politics from the citizens’ perspective, through the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. The main research goal is therefore to present the role of social networking tools in influencing citizens and their subsequent activities that have triggered changes in the political system. The methods used in the paper are case study and comparative analysis
Duch d’Hondta w Strasburgu. Zasada proporcjonalnej dystrybucji stanowisk w Parlamencie Europejskim
Get PDFProportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart’s concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d’Hondt’s formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart’s concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d’Hondt’s formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized
Cenzura względem „Polski Ludowej” – wielkopolskiego pisma Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego (1945–1947)
Get PDFPolska Ludowa, published since April 1, 1945 in Poznañ, was among the most important periodicals of the Polish People’s Party (PSL), presided over by Stanis³aw Miko³ajczyk. The periodical consistently tried to present an image of reality that diverged from the model followed by the press coverage of other political parties, therefore it suffered from large scale censorship. The Regional Authority for the Control of Press, Publications and Performances did not permit the publication of news that could disturb the image of political life created by government propaganda. Therefore, articles prepared in the periodical from Wielkopolska were systematically purged of any references to the high social support enjoyed by the PSL or the party being discriminated against by state institutions. All releases describing cases of political terrorism were also blocked. All mentions of the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) and its representatives in state authorities were particularly investigated. Censors would delete expressions that evidenced the privileged status of this party or its methods of political competition that defied the principles of democracy. This is indicated by the numerous steps censors took in the periods running up to parliamentary elections. Censors made frequent interventions in articles on social and economic topics as well. Significant restrictions also concerned articles discussing living conditions, security and economic crimes and abuses. The issues of international relations were touched on by Polska Ludowa to a smaller extent, which made censors pay particular attention to articles concerning the Soviet Union.Polska Ludowa, published since April 1, 1945 in Poznañ, was among the most important periodicals of the Polish People’s Party (PSL), presided over by Stanis³aw Miko³ajczyk. The periodical consistently tried to present an image of reality that diverged from the model followed by the press coverage of other political parties, therefore it suffered from large scale censorship. The Regional Authority for the Control of Press, Publications and Performances did not permit the publication of news that could disturb the image of political life created by government propaganda. Therefore, articles prepared in the periodical from Wielkopolska were systematically purged of any references to the high social support enjoyed by the PSL or the party being discriminated against by state institutions. All releases describing cases of political terrorism were also blocked. All mentions of the Polish Workers’ Party (PPR) and its representatives in state authorities were particularly investigated. Censors would delete expressions that evidenced the privileged status of this party or its methods of political competition that defied the principles of democracy. This is indicated by the numerous steps censors took in the periods running up to parliamentary elections. Censors made frequent interventions in articles on social and economic topics as well. Significant restrictions also concerned articles discussing living conditions, security and economic crimes and abuses. The issues of international relations were touched on by Polska Ludowa to a smaller extent, which made censors pay particular attention to articles concerning the Soviet Union
Współpraca państw UE w realizacji polityki akwenowej na przykładzie pierwszej, morskiej, militarnej operacji EUNAVFOR ATALANTA
No full textThe uncontrollable outbreak of piracy attacks off the Somali coast has lately made the East African coast the area where the majority of all global maritime crimes occur. Located in East Africa, Somalia borders one of the most important maritime communication routes on Earth: the Suez Canal – the Red Sea – the Gulf of Aden. EU states could be acutely affected by the disruption of sea trade in this area, therefore they have become actively involved in fighting piracy off the Somali coast. As a result of political, organizational and legal activity, the Council of the EU established the first maritime military operation under the auspices of the European Union – EUNAVFOR Somalia – Operation Atalanta. The efficient operation of EU naval forces, hundreds of miles from European shores would not have been possible had it not been for an extensive and comprehensive maritime policy. Not only has its implementation enabled the EU to chase pirates in the Somali basin, or helped bring any criminals detained before the courts, but is has also influenced countries outside the European Union
Przeciwdziałanie koncentracji mediów w wybranych państwach członkowskich i Unii Europejskiej – analiza rozwiązań prawnych
Get PDFThe problem of media ownership is crucial in democratic countries because the quality of the public debate depends on it. The aim of this analysis is to identify different forms of media ownership in six European countries (Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary and Italy) and the means by which these countries prevent the concentration of media ownership. Since the decisions made by the European Union have a great impact on the European media, the article also presents the position of the EU on the concentration of media ownership, as well as its response to decisions taken by member states regarding this matter. The 2000s and 2010s saw the liberalization of national regulations on the concentration of media ownership in some states. Attempts were also made to limit the relationship between the media and politics. There is also an emerging tendency towards integrated regulation, which includes both the media and the telecommunication markets
Podemos jako „partia-ruch”
Get PDFW artykule przedstawiono genezę i sposób funkcjonowania hiszpańskiej partii politycznej Podemos, która powstała w roku 2014 i szybko uzyskała znaczącą pozycję w hiszpańskim systemie politycznym. Partia ta zazwyczaj określana jest jako ugrupowanie należące do nurtu populistycznego. W artykule przedstawione zostały argumenty na rzecz potraktowania Podemos jako emanacji hiszpańskiego ruchu społecznego znanego jako Ruch 15-M i tym samym zasadności analizowania jej również przy użyciu kategorii teoretycznej „partii-ruchu”, zaproponowanej przez Herberta Kitschelta. Zastosowanie tej kategorii nie oznacza negacji populistycznego charakteru Podemos, natomiast pozwala na bardziej precyzyjne uchwycenie specyfiki tego ugrupowania
Przesunięcie koncepcyjne w studiach granicznych
Get PDFDynamic (re)development of the border studies in Europe and North America after the collapse of communism proved both (geo)political relevance of disappearing and reappearing boundaries, as well as academic interest in describing, explaining and categorizing the above-mentioned processes. Thy have been however homogeneous neither in empirical dimension, nor in analytical reflection. What have been observed is growing conceptual shift in border studies. It is manifested in more and more multidisciplinary approach to the field as well as new focus: social practices instead of geopolitical perspective. Consequently border studies look for their own identity and aspirate to be a separate academic discipline.Dynamic (re)development of the border studies in Europe and North America after the collapse of communism proved both (geo)political relevance of disappearing and reappearing boundaries, as well as academic interest in describing, explaining and categorizing the above-mentioned processes. Thy have been however homogeneous neither in empirical dimension, nor in analytical reflection. What have been observed is growing conceptual shift in border studies. It is manifested in more and more multidisciplinary approach to the field as well as new focus: social practices instead of geopolitical perspective. Consequently border studies look for their own identity and aspirate to be a separate academic discipline
Perspektywy szwajcarskiej polityki wobec Unii Europejskiej
Get PDFRelations between Switzerland and the European Union might be perceived as interesting, and at the same time an unprecedented example of the new, flexible integration. Despite more than a decade of fruitful cooperation, many of its aspects remains controversial. The problem of autonomous adaptation, lack of ability to influence decision-making processes within the Community, the opening of the labor market for new EU member states or other institutional aspects of the implementation of the agreements. These are just a part of the problems, which could be mentioned here. So the basie ąuestion remains - what will happen next? Has this an unprecedented example of a new form of integration reached its limits? What could be the prospects for the futurę cooperation? This article attempts to fmd answers to these ąuestions. Several scenarios are taking under consideration, based on an analysis of current conditions and experiences, as well as on evaluation of the current political strategy of the govemment. That is: continuation of the bilateral relations, the accession to the European Union or the conclusion of a framework or association agreement. Those scenarios are being analysed in order to find the most probably solution for the futurę relations between European Union and Switzerland.Stosunki między Szwajcariąa Unią Europejską mogą być postrzegane jako interesujące, a jednocześnie jako bezprecedensowy przykład nowej, elastycznej integracji. Mimo ponad dekady owocnej współpracy, wiele jej aspektów pozostaje kontrowersyjnymi. Problem autonomicznej adaptacji, braku możliwości wpływania na procesy decyzyjne na terytorium Wspólnot, otwarcia rynku pracy dla obywateli nowych państw członkowskich UE lub inne problemy związane z instytucjonalnym wymiarem realizacji umów. To tylko część problemów, które mogą być wymienione w tym kontekście. Można więc postawić zasadnicze pytanie: co będzie dalej? Czy ten bezprecedensowy przykład nowej formy integracji osiągnął już swoje granice? Jakie mogą być perspektywy przyszłej współpracy? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba znalezienia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytania. W rozważaniach uwzględniono kilka scenariuszy, będących wynikiem analizy aktualnych warunków i doświadczeń, jak również na oceny bieżącej strategii politycznej szwajcarskiego rządu. Mowa o: kontynuacji stosunków dwustronnych, przystąpieniu do Unii Europejskiej lub zawarciu umowy ramowej czy też stowarzyszenia. Scenariusze te są analizowane w celu znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie o najbardziej prawdopodobny przebieg przyszłych stosunków między Unią Europejską a Szwajcarią