Przegląd Politologiczny
Not a member yet
968 research outputs found
Sort by
Społeczne dylematy Europy, pod red. Doroty Gizickiej
No full textSpołeczne dylematy Europy, pod red. Doroty Gizickiej, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2009, ss. 291
Kierunki ewolucji Unii Europejskiej na tle wyzwań globalnych
Get PDFThe aim of the author is to present the possible consequences of any further intensification of the global problems which the European Union will have to stand up to, to a larger degree than before. Globalization has not created global problems, but it has contributed to their intensification. There are four groups of global issues that are of particular significance to globalization processes: (1) international security, (2) ecology, (3) demography, and (4) poverty and marginalization. Undoubtedly, the European Union is a ‘privileged’ region as it comprises safe states. Europe and the United States perceive the prevention of threats to be a common interest, which justifies the claim that the two partners are at least partially chained to each other. However, Europe is vulnerable to the consequences of global threats. In future, poor countries will blame developed countries for their problems, including those related to their natural environment. Adverse demographic trends will result in the European population growing older and there will be a decrease in the numbers of native Europeans. International relations may be destabilized in the long-term by the widening gap between the developed countries and developing ones, and by their feelings of being excluded from globalization processes. An alternative to this scenario could be provided by cohesive and active global policies on the part of the EU, however, it cannot change the adverse consequences of modern global trends by itself
Europejski podręcznik historii jako próba wypracowania wspólnej pamięci zbiorowej obywateli Unii Europejskiej
Get PDFThe Euro-handbook and common collective memory of Europeans are the two topics of considerations in this paper. As indicated by its title, the author assumes that there is no com- mon collective memory of the residents of Europe and that a common handbook for European history has failed to be written so far. The considerations are divided into two parts. The first focuses on the common collective memory and related issues, the second presents a number of controversies over a common handbook for the history of European Union citizens. The con- cept of a common European memory is relatively new, and since it emerged it has been a pro- ject to be realized, a reality to be created, by making references to various social, cultural, historical, political, moral and economic categories. Memory is one of the most important fac- tors in building community: a familial, linguistic, national, religious and territorial commu- nity. Therefore, the policy of the European Union is to a large extent concentrated on building a ‘collective memory’. This is about the Europeanization of culture and symbolization of pub- lic space which supports a sense of familiarity, and the consciousness that there is a common spiritual and intellectual European heritage. It is, however, difficult to develop a common Eu- ropean memory since that collective memory is divided; it is a conglomerate of different per- spectives and different versions. This obstacle makes it impossible to write a common handbook of European history. The Old Continent can hope for a divided or dialogue mem- ory, that is for an agreed memory that goes beyond a national horizon. Memory understood in this way could become a foundation for a Euro-handbook taking into account various histori- cal experiences and interpretations of events. If such an agreed handbook were written it could play a significant role in shaping the common memory policy. Therefore, there is a need for a wise and modern history handbook, where teaching would serve reconciliation. The out- come of such teaching is to involve tolerance and peaceful coexistenceThe Euro-handbook and common collective memory of Europeans are the two topics of considerations in this paper. As indicated by its title, the author assumes that there is no com- mon collective memory of the residents of Europe and that a common handbook for European history has failed to be written so far. The considerations are divided into two parts. The first focuses on the common collective memory and related issues, the second presents a number of controversies over a common handbook for the history of European Union citizens. The con- cept of a common European memory is relatively new, and since it emerged it has been a pro- ject to be realized, a reality to be created, by making references to various social, cultural, historical, political, moral and economic categories. Memory is one of the most important fac- tors in building community: a familial, linguistic, national, religious and territorial commu- nity. Therefore, the policy of the European Union is to a large extent concentrated on building a ‘collective memory’. This is about the Europeanization of culture and symbolization of pub- lic space which supports a sense of familiarity, and the consciousness that there is a common spiritual and intellectual European heritage. It is, however, difficult to develop a common Eu- ropean memory since that collective memory is divided; it is a conglomerate of different per- spectives and different versions. This obstacle makes it impossible to write a common handbook of European history. The Old Continent can hope for a divided or dialogue mem- ory, that is for an agreed memory that goes beyond a national horizon. Memory understood in this way could become a foundation for a Euro-handbook taking into account various histori- cal experiences and interpretations of events. If such an agreed handbook were written it could play a significant role in shaping the common memory policy. Therefore, there is a need for a wise and modern history handbook, where teaching would serve reconciliation. The out- come of such teaching is to involve tolerance and peaceful coexistence
Koncepcje responsywności jako odpowiedź na postulaty „uwrażliwienia” demokracji przedstawicielskiej
Get PDFThe author discusses two concepts of responsiveness in his paper: the concept of active society, developed by Amitai Etzioni, and the concept of responsive public administration by Mateusz Stêpieñ. The author finds both concepts potentially inspiring in the context of theoretical proposals to overcome some dysfunctions of representative democracy. The author of the paper also proposes to include the concepts of responsiveness in the framework of the so-called transformation trend of theories of democracy, which perceives politics as the transformation of individual preferences through rational discussion. The author observes a certain convergence between the concepts of responsiveness and the main assumptions of deliberative democracy (falling into the above transformation paradigm). Both concepts attempt at finding a ‘golden mean’ between liberal and republican visions of state community, while significantly ‘supplementing’ liberal democracy concepts, especially those where politics is reduced to a process of an auction of interests. Etzioni’s concept is more philosophically oriented and can serve as a theoretical foundation for more general considerations on the functioning of a democratic system and the relations between authorities and citizens. A more practically oriented concept of responsive administration can inspire the analyses of a desired model of self-government administration, whose role in the context of relations with the citizens of local communities is sometimes equal to that of local authorities.The author discusses two concepts of responsiveness in his paper: the concept of active society, developed by Amitai Etzioni, and the concept of responsive public administration by Mateusz Stêpieñ. The author finds both concepts potentially inspiring in the context of theoretical proposals to overcome some dysfunctions of representative democracy. The author of the paper also proposes to include the concepts of responsiveness in the framework of the so-called transformation trend of theories of democracy, which perceives politics as the transformation of individual preferences through rational discussion. The author observes a certain convergence between the concepts of responsiveness and the main assumptions of deliberative democracy (falling into the above transformation paradigm). Both concepts attempt at finding a ‘golden mean’ between liberal and republican visions of state community, while significantly ‘supplementing’ liberal democracy concepts, especially those where politics is reduced to a process of an auction of interests. Etzioni’s concept is more philosophically oriented and can serve as a theoretical foundation for more general considerations on the functioning of a democratic system and the relations between authorities and citizens. A more practically oriented concept of responsive administration can inspire the analyses of a desired model of self-government administration, whose role in the context of relations with the citizens of local communities is sometimes equal to that of local authorities
Krzysztof Malinowski, Przemiany niemieckiej polityki bezpieczeństwa 1990–2005, Instytut Zachodni, Poznań 2009, ss. 655.
Get PDFKrzysztof Malinowski, Przemiany niemieckiej polityki bezpieczeństwa 1990–2005, Instytut Zachodni, Poznań 2009, ss. 655
Jedność europejska: wizje i sposoby urzeczywistniania integracji
Get PDFThe idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union’s integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra-regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union’s integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion
Współczesne media lokalne jako przedmiot refleksji medioznawczej
No full textThe paper concerns considerations on the areas of operation of modern local media in Poland from the point of view of the paradigm of media studies. It outlines the evolution of the status of local media after 1989. It emphasizes the importance of the Round Table and the resulting political transformation in the process of restitution and development of local media in Poland. The paper also describes this segment of the media in terms of freedom and accountability, market, economy and idea as well as social communication
The effect of new technologies on civic participation models
Get PDFThe development of new technologies will enable decentralization and freedom of communication for large numbers of people, by overcoming the barriers that once rendered direct participation of society unfeasible. The continued development of information and communication technologies (ICT) makes it possible for people to participate in political life. Today, the use of e-tools is becoming a way of adapting democracy to the needs of contemporary states and strengthening civil society. The aim of this paper is to answer questions about the essence of ICT and forms of civic engagement through electronic forms of participation. The author seeks answers to the following questions: How does ICT influence political processes? How do electronic communication systems create the conditions for the political engagement of citizens? Can the use of information technologies have a real impact on participation
Europa po Traktacie z Lizbony – słowa i rzeczywistość
Get PDFThe Treaty of Lisbon, which became effective on December 1 2009, provides for the transformation of the European Union into a more democratic, efficient and united community. This paper attempts to assess to what extent its provisions are reflected in the current reality of a united Europe. On the one hand, democratic legitimization of the EU is growing as a result of increasing competencies of the European Parliament, the rights of national parliaments, and so-called citizens’ initiatives. However, the turnout in the last European elections, the increasing popularity of extremist right-wing parties, the work of the European Convention and restrictions imposed on the free movement of persons show that EU practice is far from the complete implementation of democratic values. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty provides for higher EU efficiency in the international arena. This cannot be achieved, though, by electing people devoid of charisma, experience and a vision of a united Europe to the highest positions, such as EU president or chief of diplomacy. Last but not least, the new treaty provides for energy solidarity. Yet the work of the European Parliament, which is expected to translate these words into practice, is burdened by an increasing number of doubts and difficulties