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Voice shame: Self-censorship in vocal performance
Voice shame is the uncomfortable feeling of being heard as ridiculous, worthless or ‘not good enough’. Voice shame arises when a subject becomes aware of an observer’s attention and believes the evaluation to be negative. It causes intensive monitoring of one’s vocal expression and of others’ perception of oneself. The effects of voice shame are largely hidden, since performers will tend to gravitate towards self-staging strategies that comply with conventions, in order to avoid shame. Worried attempts to prevent shame through self-monitoring and active control of one’s voice, body, and impact on others may cause serious difficulties with vocal performance. Voice shame can affect professional and non-professional voice users. Shame is a non-cognitive self-rejection. It presupposes internalized ideals and criteria of quality, learned through interaction with external authorities, such as parents, peers, mass media or music teachers. The self that judges and rejects itself is a product of social interaction; it is situated and reflects the demands and constraints posed by both tacit and explicit cultural values and educational traditions, ideals and methods. Triggers of, and thresholds for, shame differ between individuals, within frameworks that are largely common to members of a given subculture. Based on empirical studies of music students and professional pop, jazz and classical singers, we apply French philosopher Michel Foucault’s discourse-theory to the analysis of disciplinary mechanisms among vocal performers. The concept of voice shame is presented as a source of insight into the dynamics of singers’ self-regulation, self-staging and self-censorship, and hence as a useful tool for the voice teacher
Honduras: Lack of Economic Freedom or Victim of Global Economic System? Bridging the Gap between Dependency Theory and Neoliberal Economic Theory in Developing Countries
Dependency theorists focus on the economic history of developing economies and the scarce benefits they have received in comparison to developed economies. Although founded in truth, they fail and neglect to highlight the positive benefits of the neoliberal economic system. In contrast, Neoliberals blame the lack of economic freedom, infrastructure, and levels of corruption in developing economies as the culprits inhibiting the benefits of neoliberal policies from flourishing. Hence, both theories neglect the valid points made by the other, resulting in an either-or argument. Herein lies the fundamental issue, since strictly adhering to the policies set forth by one cannot miraculously bolster the economy of a developing country. Thus, the argument of this paper is two-fold. First, by focusing on the economic history of developing countries it will showcase the circumstances that have allowed for Marxists ideologies to persist, specifically in Latin America. Secondly, by concentrating on the changing nature of multinational corporations, it will highlight the benefits of foreign direct investment and how it is essential for boosting the economy of developing economies. Thus, the overall aim of this paper, by focusing on Honduras, is to recognize that in light of the economic history of developing countries, the benefits of neoliberalism are not enough to positively impact the severe social disparities that are all too common in developing economies
Effective Number of Parties in Nova Scotia
For nearly two decades, provincial general elections in Nova Scotia have been exciting contests among three parties. While no substantial changes have been made to the province's electoral process in that time, multiparty competition has been sustained; moreover, said competition has been unhindered by the apparent constraints of the single member plurality voting system. One means of determining the strength of party competition is to measure the effective number of parties. Drawing of previous party systems literature, I apply these measures to Nova Scotia provincial general election results from the last eight decades. What emerges is a picture of the state of partisan competition in Nova Scotia, one where competition has been gradually increasing, albeit in several distinct stages. In particular, elections in Nova Scotia over the last twenty years have been very competitive with a higher than normal effective number of parties