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Program AESOP 2022 Annual Congress Space for Species Redefining Spatial Justice, Tartu 25 - 29. 07. 2022.
No full textProgram book : WPSC-APSA congress 2022, Bali, Indonesia
No full textProgram Committee
Program Schedules Overview
Program Description
Parallel Session Schedules
Appendix A - Ph.D Colloquium (Participants)
Appendix B - Parallel Session (List of Presenter)publishedVersio
E-participation in slum upgrading facilitating the establishment of a locally rooted livable life index to guide slum upgrading
No full textOver the years, the term participation has become an integral part in the context of urban planning. Its importance has been acknowledged in the improvement of various aspects: relationship building between governments and citizens, stronger levels of democracy and decision-making processes, among others. Several typologies of participation have been derived from Arnstein’s influential “ladder of participation”. In order to pay closer attention to who is participating, in which context and for whose benefit, further steps need to achieve clarity through specificity, if the call for e-participation is to fulfil its democratizing promise. While some forms of citizen participation, such as consultation rely on the relevance of knowledge and opinions shared by citizens, a collaborative activity, such as the LLI, depends more on the quality of data provided by the participants. The LLI views slum dwellers as decisive stakeholders with expert knowledge about their neighbourhood. Their contribution is solely considered in the definition of locally rooted liveable life indicators to form a LLI. A detailed typology of e-participation might allow a more specific analysis of the causal links between different forms of participation and their specific outcomes. upgrading. So far, the concept is based on an analogue approach, developed within the Smart City Bhubaneswar (India). The expansion of ICT in Smart Cities to an e-participation initiative in form of a digital LLI has the potential to disseminate policy planning information and solicit citizen's inputs in planning. Still, the success of an e-participation initiative depends on the careful selection of the best-matching techniques and ICT tools
An Ecosystem Services Based Model for the Reclassification of Urban Uses in Plans : A Decision Support for the Minimisation of Soil Consumption
No full textSoil that is not artificially covered is capable of providing services with both direct and indirect benefits for humans. It is, therefore, essential to assess the impacts of different land-use and urban planning choices by estimating costs and benefits associated with different land-use scenarios and/or protection policies.
The dimensioning of municipal urban plans (Puc) sets the urban load, in accordance with the regulations, with the provisions contained in the Provincial Territorial Coordination Plans (PTCP) and on the basis of a careful analysis of the community's actual and irrepressible needs.
The possible transformations envisaged in the Pucs lead to two types of consequences: on the one hand, they constitute a potential income for the municipal coffers in terms of taxation on building land and buildings constructed and in terms of urbanisation charges; on the other hand, the transformation of the land entails the definitive loss of the numerous and very valuable Ecosystem Services (ES) that it is able to provide.
These are defined by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA, 2005) as the multiple benefits provided by ecosystems to humankind and are divided into four categories: life support, provisioning, regulation and cultural values. A variety of approaches to assessing the ES provided by different land covers can be found in the literature. Some of them are based on matrices that, based on the opinion of experts (such as physical geographers, forest scientists and environmental engineers), associate each land cover class with a score related to the level of performance offered by each ES (Costanza et al., 1997; De Groot, 2010; Burkhard et al., 2012; Rodriguez, Armenteras & Retana, 2015; Santolini et a., 2015).
The change in land cover from its natural state to artificial cover is technically termed land consumption. Forms of consumption range from total loss of the soil resource to partial loss of ES functionality. urban densification is also a form of land consumption insofar as it involves the introduction of new artificial cover in urban areas (Munafò, 2021). Zeroing net soil consumption means, therefore, avoiding the sealing of agricultural and open areas and, for the residual component that cannot be avoided, compensating it by renaturalising an area of equal or greater extent in order to restore its capacity to provide ES (EC, 2016). When considering soil as a resource, it is necessary to distinguish between land cover and land use. The term land cover refers to the biophysical cover of the earth's surface, while land use refers to the actual biophysical state of the soil, related to its use in human activities. The latter is, therefore, defined according to the present and planned functional dimension and urban use (Directive 2007/2/CE). A change of land use (and even less a change of land use provided for by a town planning instrument) may not alter the functions of the land and its capacity to provide SE and, therefore, not represent real land consumption. «The relationship between land consumption and population dynamics confirms that the link between demography and urbanisation and infrastructural processes is not direct and there is a growth of artificial surfaces even in the presence of stabilisation, in many cases decrease, of residents» (Munafò, 2021: 45). From this, the importance of correctly sizing Pucs, carefully balancing the need for new areas for human activities with the preservation of ES, aiming to achieve settlement efficiency (Fasolino, Coppola & Grimaldi, 2020)
Places, Pandemic and Multiple Risks: New Emerging Urban Challenges
Get PDFThe Covid-19 emergency, although in different manner and measure, is changing habits and use of places and cities at global level. In many cities, public spaces became completely empty for months and new urban landscapes have substituted the previous ones, transforming the private in public (Sepe, 2021). Children and young have interrupted the school in presence to start that by internet; adults started the smart working; elderly begun to meet their sons through the computer. Houses and balconies were used for work and study, allowing people to go inside the private life of everyone. The reopening of public spaces has happened after months of closing, allowing again “live” social interactions, although in respect of the physical distance, confirming the importance for all people of these places (Carmona, 2019; Crappsley, 2017; Gehl, 2010). The new challenges concern facing the presence of multiple risks (Sepe, 2022a), improving health, integration, and liveability of places for more flexible and adaptive uses. Accordingly, to provide a sustainable regeneration meant in its three-fold meaning, it needs to use new methodological approaches, including: the 15-minutes city (Moreno, 2020) that is a city able to offer all its inhabitants everything they need to live, work and have fun to be reached on foot in no more than 15 minutes; the flexible one (CRA, 2019) that is based on tools for architectural and urban planning and design, which are able to allow changes in the course of implementation of those projects; the Soft City (Sim, 2019) that is based on the idea that from the union of density and diversity a more liveable and healthier city can be obtained, as proximity of an environment can be translated into time; the Health-Liveable city (Sepe, 2022b) is a city in which public spaces are considered the main places to enhance and health and liveability issues the first factors to improve; and the smart city (Karvonen et Al., 2019) in which the whole range of technologies are at the service of the place both to improve its liveability and health and ensure its sustainability. Starting from these premises, this study, carried in the framework of the Prin 2020 - Research Projects of National Relevance titled “Sustainable modelling of materials, structures and urban spaces including economic-legal implications” – ISMed-CNR Unit with the author’s responsibility, is aimed at illustrating: a new method of analysis and design of public spaces, the original Healthy Place Design – within the Health-Liveable city approach - (Sepe, 2022b) and an emblematic case study, characterized by both flexibility and accessibility at different level. Conclusion concerning both critical and positive issues of the case study will complete the paper
Planning to Meet Challenges in Shrinking Rural Regions : Towards Innovative Approaches to Local Planning
Get PDFNorway’s population is increasing, but rural municipalities all over Norway are undergoing depopulation. Of the most sparsely populated municipalities, 75% have had shrinking populations in the last 20 years, often with residents scattered over a large area. In the year of 2019, 71% of all Norwegian municipalities experienced a decline. These demographic developments are expected to continue in the coming decades (NOU 2020:15). Although policy-making and planning have long focused on counteracting these demographic trends, governmental studies show that only massive immigration or a sharp increase in fertility rates can alter this course (NOU 2020:15). For most municipalities, the likelihood of a reversal is very low, both currently and in the near future.
In Innlandet, which is the Norwegian case studied in this paper, 31 of 46 municipalities have had a population decline in the last 30 years (in the period 1991-2021), meaning that they have a lower population number in 2021 than in 1991. The decline varies considerably, from -30 to -1% (see table 1). Some municipalities, especially in the eastern and northern part of Innlandet (figure 3), have had an almost continually decline year by year, while others have years in between with small increase in population numbers. The yearly fluctuations in population development are quite strongly influenced by immigration of refugees to Norway, while the natural population change (births, deaths) has a more stable and declining development trend. The decline in population numbers is in the long run expected to continue. The age composition has changed and will keep changing to a significantly older population. This situation has recently been discussed in the demography committee’s report (NOU, 2020: 15). They argue that the political goals for the districts should not be growth, but to create good communities for those who live and/or run a business there
Forgotten territories in Europe : lessons from Italy, Spain and Poland
Get PDFTransactions of the Association of European Schools of Planning; Vol. 6 No. 1 (2022): Special issue: Left behind regions in Europe and beyond; 30-40This paper presents the results of a comparative research on place-based policies towards “left-behind territories” in Europe. It shows the variety of trajectories of putting the territorial question on the agenda and of defining the 'forgotten' territories in Italy, Spain and Poland. This variety reveals specific processes linked to short- and long-term debates on the Nation. The tools used to help these territories tend to converge, under the influence of methods coming from the European Union. However, the functions of these territories are still unclear in national planning strategies, particularly because their possible contributions to ecological transition and the economic models of this transition are only imperfectly defined.  
Translating the Social Exclusion of Vulnerable Groups into Space : An Alternative Review Through Print and social media
Get PDFDemocracy, whose precise meaning depends on whether an observer focuses on the individual or the collective, is a form of political control in its simplest expression. In representative democracies, the most prevalent form of government today, the equality between citizens before the law and the sovereignty of the people are essential. In democratic forms of government, political control and direction is either in the hands of the people or provided by representatives elected by them. The idea of the sovereignty of the people brings together concepts such as equality, justice, freedom, independence, which together define and complement democracy in ways that transcend mere representation. Individuals in modern democracies, in addition to their normal civic responsibilities, are also candidates for leadership. Aristotle (1999), who in his Politics developed his definition of democracy from the perspective of the individual citizen, associated the conditions of being a good citizen in society with both being governed and having the political ability to govern. Another discourse that prioritizes the responsibilities of the individual in democracy comes from Popper (1947), who emphasized that individuals, i.e. citizens of the democratic state, should be blamed rather than democracy for political inadequacies in the state. Democracy not only shapes individuals and therefore society with the responsibilities it imposes, but also takes its shape from the society in which it functions. The knowledge, abilities, and good citizenship of the members of a given community shape a society and thus its democracy. Although many philosophers have emphasized the uniqueness of the social aspects of human existence, whether in terms of individuality or collectivity, Aristotle and Plato did not consider the inability to live outside of a community a human-specific behavior; on the contrary, they argued that human life shares this collective nature with animal life, and that our social nature is thus far from peculiar (Arendt, 1998). Whether unique to our species or not, however, communal existence requires existence in a concrete place. The relationship that democracy establishes with space, which is the focus of this study, emerges at this point.
The spatial counterpart to the search for social and collective rights that accompanies democracy has inspired the debates around the right to the city in contemporary societies. Lefebvre (1991), who defined space as a product of history, described the right to the city as a requirement of democracy and directly associated it with humanism. Harvey (1993) highlighted the dynamic relationship of space with society in his exploration of the subject, touching upon the dynamics of societal and spatial relationships and claiming that spatial form is at society's discretion. He thus emphasized different human behaviors and experiences and suggested that instead of asking what space is, we should instead investigate how it is that different human practices create and make use of distinctive conceptualizations of space. (Harvey, 1993). Harvey additionally associated the right to the city with living in it, arguing that those living in the city directly or indirectly contribute to the production of urban space and that this contribution is associated with the claim of a right to the city one inhabits (Harvey, 1993). In this case, in addition to human practices, the practices of non-humans who are residents of and shape the city should share in the claim to the it. The comprehensiveness of the definition of the right to the city should be examined from this perspective, and the subjects of the practices that constitute that right should be taken into consideration. Democracy and its participants, which restructure and reproduce space public space in modern societies, redefine urbanization processes with the collective and organized power it requires. Harvey (2003) points out that the organized collective power necessary to claim the city through its alteration is quite beyond the capacity of individuals or individual rights: the realization of the right to the city demands claiming such a shaping power in an essential and radical way. Likewise, Lefebvre claims that the right to the city should involve a continual and active process of appropriation (in the sense of use rather than ownership) of city spaces (McCann, 2002). He also argues that “the right to the city [involves] the right to claim presence in the city, to wrest the use of the city from privileged new masters and democratize its spaces” (Lefebvre, 1996 in McCann, 2002). This definition specifically supports the fight against the privatization of public space and the maintenance of heterogeneity within metropolitan areas (Fainstein, 2006). The specific focus of this paper concerns this final point and attempts to engage in a discussion of the ways in which society can or cannot claim its collective rights and satisfy its needs in urban space while at the same time maintaining democracy within itself by allowing diversity and the inclusion of members with various needs and vulnerabilities
Analysis of Urban Space Vitality Based on Weibo Check-In Data : A Case Study of Suzhou
No full textThe city is a carrier of all kinds of residents' activities and the core of public activities. With the rapid process of urbanization in China, the spatial structure of cities has been spreading, and in some cities, urban space has been redefined due to the construction of new districts and new cities, and the urban spatial structure has gradually evolved from a single center to a multicenter. In urban planning practice, multicentricity has become one of the common planning tools in major cities in recent years, and mega cities in China such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen all take multicentricity as the goal of urban development.
The research on urban spatial structure in China mainly involves: theoretical studies, studies on the characteristics of urban spatial structure patterns, studies on the relevance of urban structure to social problems, and the exploration of the relevance of urban structure to social economy. The current stage of research mainly explores the spatial structure of cities by using planning and census data as the main data source and geospatial and morphological analysis as the method. However, these data have certain limitations, one of which is that the data accuracy is not sufficient to analyze the urban residents' aggregation within urban space at all scales, and the other is that the data are not real-time and cannot reflect the mobility characteristics of urban residents.
In recent years, with the development of information technology, big data has provided new data sources for urban spatial analysis. Among them, the more widely used are: social network pictures, night lighting data, shared bicycle travel data, heat map data, cell phone signaling data, and online taxi travel data, etc. Scholars such as Ying Long, Lu Yu, and Zhiying Li have used these data to analyze urban space. However, these data have problems such as difficulty of access and few access channels for scholars. And the open-source Weibo check-in data provides a reliable alternative. Weibo check-in data records the check-in information of Sina Weibo users, which mainly includes information such as check-in time, check-in content, spatial location of check-in points, and the number of check-ins at check-in points. The Weibo check-in data can be obtained through an API interface, which is easier to obtain compared with the other data which has mentioned before, and has been widely adopted in the current stage of urban spatial research. At present, domestic scholars mainly use Weibo check-in data as a measurement of foot traffic in various spaces and as a method to identify urban functional areas, but less research has been conducted on urban spatial vitality with this kind of big data
Forgotten Italy: Spaces and identities of a changing geography
No full textTransactions of the Association of European Schools of Planning; Vol. 6 No. 1 (2022): Special issue: Left behind regions in Europe and beyond; 41-54The forgotten Italian territories have almost always been understood as compact physical and conceptual spaces. While changing its terms, borders, and issues from time to time, the forgotten regions have been described through a homogeneous image: Mezzogiorno, peripheries and Inner Areas. Such a representation has effects both in conceptualization and efforts taken to recompose the gaps between the forgotten territories and the most active parts. Yet, in recent years, the numerous crises of the 21st century have shattered this compact representation and brought out new geography of forgotten Italy, the Italia di mezzo. The new geography is no longer linked only to the North-South dichotomy and does not concern only the metropolitan suburbs or inland areas. The new geography highlights how to be forgotten now is also a piece on the margins of public policies, underestimated by scientific research but at the center of the twentieth-century urbanization process and the recent crisis