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Do Civil Liberties Matter For State Capture? Evidence from Latin America 1996-2017
Get PDFThis study explores the impact of civil liberties on state capture. It employs a mixed effects regression model for the years 1996-2017 where time serves as the level 1 units and countries as the level 2 units. The study tests two main hypotheses: 1). As civil liberties increase in a given country, state capture will correspondingly decrease. 2.) Latin American countries in the mid-range of civil liberties will experience the highest levels of state capture overall relative to countries with either low and or high levels of civil liberties. The results demonstrate that as civil liberties increase, we may not see a corresponding decrease in state capture which is contrary to the prevailing literature on the importance of a strong civil society and civil liberties for inhibiting corruption and state capture. However, this study has definitively shown that countries in the mid-range of civil liberties relative to countries with low and or high levels of civil liberties, will experience greater amounts of state capture. Overall, the findings of this study present a significant contribution to the field and help us to generalize the true impact of civil liberties on state capture to other regions of the world
On the Taming of State: Dominant Caste Elites and Castebased Reservation in India
Get PDFIn India, state builders\u27 vision was to create a caste-equal society, which was institutionalised by including a reservation policy in the Indian Constitution. However, scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that caste-based reservations have been ineffective and insufficient in achieving social equality. This paper argues that dominant caste elites played an influential part in taming the state to their caste-based interest, undermining caste-based reservation policy. Adopting a historical approach, this paper examines the role of dominant caste elites in the state apparatus and analyse how elites tamed the state to undermine caste-based reservation policy. Rather than elite capture of the state broadly, the terminology of "taming" is used to showcase how various categories of elites limit the Indian state\u27s capacity for caste equality. The essay is structured into three sections, each focusing on a distinct historical period shaped by the state ideology: British Raj, characterised by colonial rule; Independent India, represented by Nehruvian state-directed development; and Neoliberal India, characterised by market reforms and liberalisation
Model Specification in Mixed-Effects Models: A Focus on Random Effects
No full textMixed-effect models are flexible tools for researchers in a myriad of fields, but that flexibility comes at the cost of complexity and if users are not careful in how their model is specified, they could be making faulty inferences from their data. We argue that there is significant confusion around appropriate random effects to be included in a model given the study design, with researchers generally being better at specifying the fixed effects of a model, which map onto to their research hypotheses. To that end, we present an instructive framework for evaluating the random effects of a model in three different situations: (1) longitudinal designs; (2) factorial repeated measures; and (3) when dealing with multiple sources of variance. We provide worked examples with open-access code and data in an online repository. We think this framework will be helpful for students and researchers who are new to mixed effect models, and to reviewers who may have to evaluate a novel model as part of their review
Autonomy, Constitutivity, Exemplars, Paradigms
Get PDFThis paper proposes an exploration of relationships and exchanges between the philosophies of Cavell and Kuhn by the study of aspects of the philosophy of Wittgenstein. Although the notions of language games and family resemblances used by Kuhn in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions have been elaborated by Wittgenstein, Cavell’s reading of Wittgenstein inspired that of Kuhn. I will attempt to show that against this background, Cavell’s conception of the relations of arts, works of arts, and artists, can be relevantly compared to Kuhn’s conception of the relations of sciences, scientific successes, and scientific practitioners. Three ways of elucidating the mutual exchanges between Cavell and Kuhn may be distinguished: One consists in clarifying the ways in which Cavell and Kuhn explicitly mutually inspired each other. Another one consists in clarifying that Cavell’s Wittgenstein inspired Kuhn. And a third one consists in clarifying that Wittgenstein inspired both Kuhn and Cavell and the ways in which he inspired them. This third way is not exclusive of the first two and even contributes to these by rendering explicit their stakes. For at stake is not only the restitution of the truth of an exegetical mediation: that Kuhn’s Wittgenstein cannot be truly understood without accounting for Cavell’s Wittgenstein. Rather the transitive character of the mediation implied by interpretation does not substitute for the intransitive character of a thoroughly philosophical inheritance. It is not the case that because Kuhn was inspired by Cavell who was inspired by Wittgenstein, that Kuhn could be inspired only by Cavell’s Wittgenstein, and not by Wittgenstein. Further, the question is not only philological but philosophical if we take into account the methods and the philosophy of Wittgenstein. To use an image: that a path was indicated by someone to someone else could not have implied that what was indicated by a person to another was oneself; this much was already known to us with the old fable of the moon, the finger and the sage. With this paper I will thus first seek to establish the relevance of the comparison of Cavell’s conception of the relations of arts, works of arts, and artists with Kuhn’s conception of the relations of sciences, scientific successes, and scientific practitioners. Then I will attempt to render explicit the unrestrictive limits of this comparison both to account for the mutual exchanges between Cavell and Kuhn and consider or bring out some symmetries and asymmetries concerning the place of paradigms in sciences and arts
Ercilla y el precio de La Araucana (1569-1632)
Get PDFAlonso de Ercilla had a deep knowledge of the sixteenth century publishing world and turned La Araucana into a market product. For this reason, it is worth studying the price of the poem throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the business that Ercilla did with the book and its value in comparison with other similar books of its time.Alonso de Ercilla se movió con soltura en el mundo editorial del siglo XVI y supo convertir La Araucana en un producto de mercado. Por ello conviene estudiar el precio del poema a lo largo de los siglos XVI y XVII, los negocios que Ercilla hizo con el libro y su valor respecto a otros textos similares en la época
“Conquistar, quietar y defender este reino”: Resignificación de Armas antárticas en los inicios del gobierno del virrey Montesclaros
Get PDFEste artículo analiza la dedicatoria y los dos primeros cantos del poema épico Armas antárticas de Juan de Miramontes para explorar la hipótesis de un diálogo con la actualidad del virreinato peruano en los inicios del gobierno de Montesclaros, destinatario tardío de la obra. En el contexto de la nueva política maquiavélica que quiere aplicar el virrey, la guerra contra los corsarios cantada en las octavas del poema alcanza la dimensión de un conflicto prioritario que requiere interés e inversiones y que le permitiría al virrey proteger las riquezas del Perú y repeler la herejía luterana, o sea gobernar según la Razón de Estado católica teorizada por Rivadeneira. Dedicarle a posteriori este poema a un virrey encargado de reducir los gastos militares orientó sin duda la recepción del poema y ofreció una nueva lectura en función del contexto preciso de los inicios del gobierno de Montesclaros en Perú.Cet article analyse la dédicace et les deux premiers chants du poème épique Armas antárticas de Miramontes en postulant l’hypothèse d’un dialogue avec l’actualité des premières années du gouvernement du nouveau vice-roi Montesclaros, destinataire tardif de l’œuvre. Dans le contexte de la politique inspirée de Machiavel qu’il veut mettre en place au Pérou, la guerre contre les corsaires, qui occupe la majorité des vers du poème, est présentée comme prioritaire, digne d’intérêt et d’investissements, puisqu’elle permettrait au vice-roi de protéger les richesses du Pérou et de lutter contre l’hérésie luthérienne, à savoir gouverner selon la Raison d’État catholique théorisée par Rivadeneira. Dédier a posteriori ce poème à un vice-roi chargé de réduire les dépenses militaires a sans doute orienté la réception de l’œuvre et infléchi sa lecture en fonction du contexte précis des débuts du gouvernement de Montesclaros au Pérou
