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Taal, macht en identiteitspolitiek: een kritische blik op Gijs van Oenen\u27s \u27Culturele veldslagen\u27
No full textReview of Gijs van Oenen (2022) Culturele veldslagen: Filosofie van de culture wars. Amsterdam: BoomEmancipatie is goed, identiteitspolitiek is fout, zo luidt de strekking van het recente boek van politiek filosoof Gijs van Oenen, getiteld Culturele veldslagen: Filosofie van de culture wars. Kritiek op identiteitspolitiek - vooral die in de woke vorm – is vandaag de dag niks bijzonders. Ook de analyse van Van Oenen dat er net zo goed een identiteitspolitiek van rechts als van links bestaat is niet nieuw, evenmin als zijn ‘oplossing’ namelijk liberalisme en de rechtsstaat – beide treffen we bijvoorbeeld aan bij Anthony Appiah’s The Lies That Bind: Rethinking Identity (2019). Nieuw is wel dat Van Oenen - die zich als links intellectueel afficheert – hierbij etiketten gebruikt die momenteel gangbaar zijn in de hoek van alt right. De termen ‘cultuurmarxisme’ en ‘culture wars’ - zie de titel van zijn boek - worden door hem als neutraal gepresenteerd, maar het is de vraag wat hij daarmee binnen haalt
"First Nature" and Colonial Rifts: Response to "Critical Naturalism: A Manifesto"
No full textThe prior issue of Krisis (42:1) published Critical Naturalism: A Manifesto, with the aim to instigate a debate of the issues raised in this manifesto – the necessary re-thinking of the role (and the concept) of nature in critical theory in relation to questions of ecology, health, and inequality. Since Krisis considers itself a place for philosophical debates that take contemporary struggles as starting point, it issued an open call and solicited responses to the manifesto. This is one of the sixteen selected responses, which augment, specify, or question the assumptions and arguments of the manifesto.The prior issue of Krisis (42:1) published Critical Naturalism: A Manifesto, with the aim to instigate a debate of the issues raised in this manifesto – the necessary re-thinking of the role (and the concept) of nature in critical theory in relation to questions of ecology, health, and inequality. Since Krisis considers itself a place for philosophical debates that take contemporary struggles as starting point, it issued an open call and solicited responses to the manifesto. This is one of the sixteen selected responses, which augment, specify, or question the assumptions and arguments of the manifesto
Reply to Comments
No full textAbstract: This is a reply to the comments by Daniel Bella, Lorina Buhr, Andrea Blättler, and Ivo Eichhorn. The individual responses attempt to identify the main challenges of the pieces and sketch answers to questions or elaborations on issues raised
Socializing Minds, Socializing Bodies: Implications of a View to the Bodily Side of Lenz’s Spinozist Theory of Mind
No full textMartin Lenz introduces Spinoza to us as a bundle theorist of mind, for whom there cannot be a single finite mind. Since Spinoza conceives of the mind as the idea of the body, a reinterpretation of his theory of mind will have a bodily concurrence. As a corporeal interlude to Lenz’ Spinozist theory of mind, I enquire what follows for the latter if one takes into account more explicitly the structural complexity of the attribute of extension, expressing itself in the plurality and variability of bodies. While Lenz reads Spinoza through a lens of intersubjectivity and parallelism, my reflection leads to the consideration that the plurality and variability of bodies might call for a transindividual rather than an intersubjective account and for conceiving of body and mind as equal rather than parallel. That this complicates Lenz’ account of the identity of the mind over time is an avail rather than a problem. It invites developing Lenz’ reading beyond what the context of his book allows, helping us to navigate the intricate dynamics in which we strive for our bodies to become more capable, our minds more eternal
Museums of lie and truth: Speaking toward truth in our sermons
No full textThe search for truth becomes a challenging theological task in a world of lies and propaganda, being exhibited more and more openly. Inspired by two “Museums of Lies,” this paper aims to show how lies can be used to uncover a more profound truth by exposing them through a truth-seeking lens. While the homiletical task of “preaching the truth” is more complicated than it would seem at first glance, it is accompanied by the anthropological question, ‘Whether it is true’ (Karl Barth), and the theological question: ‘What is truth?’. The argument is that by observing what Martin Luther called “theologia crucis,” the task of preaching truth becomes dependent on the means and ways in which the Bible itself uncovers truth within our world of lies and by acknowledging that the discovery of truth can only be described as a process, at the beginning and end of which Jesus’ answer to Pilate may provide reassurance
Zindering. Over disciplines, de kleur wit en gender
No full textGeertje Mak geeft een zinderend persoonlijk inkijkje in haar autobiografische motor die knetterde door de wrijving tussen ideeën, disciplines, personen, en het van onderaf organiseren van haar eigen kennisontwikkeling. Zij gaat in op de interdisciplinariteit van genderstudies en haar eigen bewustwording van haar kleur wit en haar genderidentiteit
Communicating COVID-19: Accountability and ‘British Common Sense’
No full textIn this paper, we conduct a discursive psychological analysis of coronavirus briefings where the British Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, mentions ‘common sense’ as means to instruct British people how to behave during the pandemic. We look at five instances where the Prime Minister constructs the idea of using ‘common sense’ as guidance for fighting COVID-19 and examine how the function and use of ‘common sense’ varied at different stages of the pandemic. The findings show that ‘common sense’ began as something that was ‘normal’ to utilise, and eventually was constructed as a weapon, alongside emphasising the ‘common sense’ of British people and drawing upon nationalist tropes which excludes non-British residents of the UK. The findings are discussed in light of how ‘common sense’ is used to hold British people accountable for lowering infection rates whilst at the same time, presenting politicians as acting in solidarity with the public