Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung
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A compositional semantics for wh-ever free relatives
This paper focuses on two puzzles posed by wh-ever free relatives (‘FRs’): wh-ever FRs (a) license ignorance inferences, and (b) display properties in common with questions. I propose to resolve these puzzles by unifying the analysis of wh-ever FRs with Rawlins’ (2008, 2013) analysis of unconditionals. The proposal derives ignorance, predicts question properties, and captures both the similarities and differences between wh-ever FRs and unconditionals
How many manys? Exploring semantic theories with data-driven computational models
We use a data-driven computational inference approach to address the question whether it is plausible to maintain that there is a stable core semantics that governs the interpretation of cardinal and proportional many across different contexts. Adopting the idea that the denotation of many is a function of a stable threshold parameter that applies to a contextually-variable probability distribution that captures prior expectations, we demonstrate that it is possible to maintain that there is a single fixed threshold for many’s cardinal and proportional use, although models that allow for non-uniform thresholds or lexical ambiguity may have a slightly better empirical fit to our data
"Strong" Indefiniteness and Topicality
The paper addresses the relation between “strong” or presuppositional readings of indefinite noun phrases and the notion of topicality in its sentential and discourse-level formulations. Previous discussions of the issue were generally based on the interpretative properties of indefinite noun phrases at positions associated with topicality (e.g. subject of an individual-level predicate, within the antecedent of a conditional). The paper aims to contribute to the debate with data from Turkish, which overtly marks “strong” indefiniteness at a position generally associated with focus rather than topic. It is argued on the basis of Turkish data that “strong” indefiniteness and topicality should be kept distinct
The Path of Presupposition Projection in Processing - The case of Conditionals
While presupposition projection has been explored in depth in theoretical terms, not much is known about possible cognitive processes related to it. We investigate the question of whether projection, which can be seen as a mismatch between the location of where material is introduced syntactically and the level at which it is interpreted, comes with a processing cost that requires additional processing time. In an eye tracking reading study using conditional sentences with German wieder (‘again’) in the consequent and a preceding context sentence, we varied the relative location in which the presupposition of wieder was supported. We argue that the pattern of results we get reflects a processing cost for projection that directly correlates with the length of the projection path as it would be measured in Discourse Representation Theory (DRT). This perspective on the data crucially relies on the representational mechanisms involved in projection, which implies that a non-representational theory such as dynamic semantics cannot offer the same account. A simple processing hypothesis based on distance from presuppositional support measured in clauses also does not suffice to explain the data. The paper thus offers experimental evidence bearing on fine-grained theoretical choices in presupposition theory. It closes by relating our results to some other recent experimental work on presupposition interpretation
Specificity, Referentiality and Discourse Prominence: German Indefinite Demonstratives
There are various notions of specificity, ranging from Fodor & Sag’s (1982) referentiality view to Givón’s (1983) discourse prominence view. Ionin (2006) discusses the relation between these two perspectives by analyzing the English indefinite this. She represents indefinite this as a referential operator in the sense of Fodor & Sag (1982), but also adds the felicity condition of “noteworthiness”. She notes that it is an open question how these two properties of indefinite this are linked to each other. Wright & Givón (1987) claim that the discourse prominence is primary and that referential properties are derived from it. I argue that the contrary holds: On the analysis of German indefinite demonstrative dies (‘this‘) and so’n (‘such-a’) I demonstrate how we can derive discourse properties of indefinite demonstratives from their referential properties
On the Semantics of Existence Predicates
The most common philosophical view about the notion of existence is that it is a second-order propertyor existential quantification. A less common view is that existence is a (first-order) property of \u27existent\u27 as opposed to \u27nonexistent\u27 (past or merely intentional) objects. An even less common view is that existence divides into different \u27modes of being\u27 for different sorts of entities. In this paper I will take a closer look at the semantic behavior of existence predicates in natural language, such as \u27exist\u27, \u27occur\u27, and \u27obtain\u27, arguing that existence predicates in natural language support the two less common philosophical views. I will develop explicit analyses of existence predicates in their time-relative and space-relative uses which will explain why they apply to some kinds of entities, but not others
Conventional and Free Association with Focus in Ngamo (West Chadic)
The paper discusses association with focus in Ngamo (West Chadic, Afro-Asiatic). We present evidence from thisnon-Indoeuropean language in favour of Beaver& Clark (2008)’s claim that different kinds of focus-sensitive elements interact with the meaning of focus in different ways, namely conventional association with focus vs free association.We show that exclusive particles (only) in Ngamo, as in English, conventionally associate with focus. (Scalar-) Additive particles (also, even), by contrast, do not pattern like their English counterparts: Same as Q-adverbials, they are more free in their association behaviour, and can also associate with non-focused elements under certain conditions
Be positive! Norm-Related Implications and Beyond
Negative degree questions such as How short is John?, and negative equatives such as John is as short as Mary imply that John is short. Existing theories explain this ‘norm-related’ implication by means of (i) a competition between unmarked and marked antonyms, and (ii) by introducing a standardvariable in parallel with the standard analysis of the positive form John is tall. This paper argues against these principles and in favor of an analysis, whereby the zero on the measurement scales of norm-related adjectives is relative, rather than absolute. This principle captures the fact that norm-related implications arise with many positive adjectives (alongside with their negative antonyms) and are cross-linguistically tied with non-licensing of measure phrases
Accomplishments: their Telos and their Structure
This paper explores the relevance of a goal directed characterisation of the internal structure of accomplishments. The notion of ‘plan’ enables us to talk about the homogeneity and the continuity of the activity phase at a sufficiently abstract level, and about non-homogeneity when one consider the structure of instances of accomplishments in global terms, i.e. including culminations. Evidence is provided for this intensional characterisation that enriches a definition the aspectual class based on temporal conditions
Futures in Polish and Slovenian from the perspective of a force-dynamic model
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