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Digital Technologies for Social Innovation: An Empirical Recognition on the New Enablers
No full textEven though scholars' attention has been placed on Social Innovation (SI), little evidence has been provided with regards to which tools are actually used to address social needs and foster Social Innovation initiatives. The purpose of the article is twofold. Firstly, the article offers empirical recognition to SI by investigating, on a large-scale, social and innovative activities conducted by start-ups and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) across the world between 2001 and 2014. Secondly, the article intends to capture SI core businesses and underlying complementarities between products, markets, and technologies and show in which way digital media and IT are essentially tracing innovation trajectories over a multitude of industries, leading the current industrial patterns of SI, and continually fostering its cross-industry nature
The thought of annihilation : the non-human in the poetry of Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats
No full textThesis (B.A. in English Language and Literature, Minor in Economics)--John Cabot University, Spring 2016.The purpose of this thesis is to gain a better understanding of the poetry of Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats by amending the traditional view of their poetry as one which seeks to establish human subjectivity in a position of primary importance as a reaction to the depersonalizing forces of industrialization. Its amendment consists in the contention that this prioritizing of human subjectivity is based necessarily on the sublation or acceptance of the non-Human, which is defined as the complete opposite of the Human. Definitions of the terms non-Human, Human, and Humanity will be provided, as they are key to the renewed understanding of the poets in question. The thesis will also endeavor to outline the peculiar ways in which these poets articulate this necessary sublation or acceptance by first analyzing their stated theoretical positions, and then applying the results of this analysis to concrete instances of their poetry. Specifically, it will feature analyses of Wordsworth’s “Preface to Lyrical Ballads”, Shelley’s “A Defence of Poetry”, and Keats’s letters on negative capability; it will then look at Wordsworth’s “I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud”, Shelley’s “Hymn to Intellectual Beauty”, and Keats’s “Ode to a Nightingale” and “Ode on a Grecian Urn”. It will conclude that while both Wordsworth and Shelley sublate the non-Human for the renewal of the Human, respectively as a poet of ‘imaginary reaction’ and of ‘apocalyptic revolution’, Keats is the poet of quietistic stasis
Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation: Historical, Legal, Ideological Analyses and Legal Consequences
No full textThesis (B.A. in International Affairs)--John Cabot University, Fall 2015.This thesis analyzes the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. The Crimean crisis is a vital topic today due to the following reasons: it violated Ukraine’s territorial integrity, weakened international law and raised the confrontation between Russia and the Western powers, distorting peace after the end of the Cold War. The second chapter of this thesis is a historical overview from 1991, when Ukraine became independent, until the Crimean crisis in 2014. After the breakup of the Soviet Union, the tensions between Ukraine and Russia over Crimea and the Black Sea Fleet led to an opened conflict between the two in 2014. The third chapter is the legal analyses of the annexation. It explains why the annexation of Crimea is illegal under international law. what are Russia’s justifications and what are the consequences for Crimea, Russia and the international community. The fourth chapter focuses on the ideology of the “Russian World” that also presents Russia’s Justifications to have annexed Crimea
The Legal Framework Limiting the Weaponization of Outer Space
No full textThesis (B.A. in International Affairs, )--John Cabot University, Spring 2015.Space weaponization could indirectly lead to the inability for countries to access and use outer space in the future, involves all nations as they are directly or indirectly affected by the utility of space, and merits more attention than has been given to it in I-' recent past. The international community is becoming increasingly reliant on space assets. The potential for space weaponization to increase orbital debris (as seen with China’s 2007 ASAT test) seriously threatens all nations’ future access to space. Since the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 to the passing of the PPWT in December, 2014, attempts have been made to limit the placement of specific types of weapons into outer space. Therefore, this paper seeks to describe the current international and domestic legislation limiting space weaponization, to analyze the pitfalls of such legal framework, and to provide insights on the motives of different nations that support or oppose space weaponization. Due to the limited scope of this thesis, not all space-faring countries’ national space policies and behavior can be discussed. This study conducts four case studies on the main space-faring parties of 2015: the United States, Japan, the European Union, and China. Although it can be argued that other notable space-faring nations should be examined in-depth, their policies and behavior towards space weaponization are similar (though not the same) to these four chosen countries. This thesis finds that the international legislation limiting space weaponization is out-of-date, for the most part non-binding, and lacking means for States to dispute resolutions effectively. Acknowledging the weakness of international legislation on the topic, the paper turns its focus to national space policies and behavior on the issue. Individual national stances can be explained in four points: the arms race theory, the collective security theory, the politico-economic rationale principle, and the space utility principle. Space-faring nations that have close diplomatic relations with the United States, typically involving a military alliance, rely on this relationship for national defense. By conceding this authority to the United States, nations are subject to its will and, therefore, its own national interests. Evidently, the United States’ space policy revolves around protecting its own national interests, its space superiority, and its economy (primarily its Aerospace and Defense sector). Due to the United States finding it more beneficial to not limit space weaponization and States relying on the US for military support, such States abstain or oppose attempts to create binding international legislation preventing weapons in outer space (as exemplified by the actions of the EU and Japan). On the contrary, other countries that do not rely on a military alliance or do not have strong diplomatic relations with the United States seek to limit space weaponization through binding international legislation (as exemplified by the actions of China), as it would increase both their hard and soft power
Festive, libertine, rebelle: Montréal la nuit
No full textThis paper explores the festive, libertine, and rebel dimensions that characterize the city of Montreal and its nocturnal temporality in relation to the urban regeneration project of the Quartier des spectacles and of the city’s former Red Light District. In particular, my interest focuses on nocturnal sensoriality, an aesthetic dimension of the night and its practices, as well as on medial forms emerging from the chronotopic combination of city and night
The Worst Forms of Child Labour in Cocoa Plantations in Côte d’Ivoire & Direct Obligations of Transnational Corporations
No full textThe global business environment has changed rapidly in the past decades, but the human rights and business discourse has often lagged behind. At the international level, hard law regulations still seem decades away. United Nations initiatives such as the Guiding Principles and the UN Working Group on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises are more than a step in the right direction. However, they alone are insufficient to prevent violations and ensure victims receive justice. This edited book uses a broad and pluralistic understanding of direct human rights obligations, concentrating on legally enforceable standards. The enforceability can come directly from international law, through national legislation, or through non-state actors. The contributions engage both with the law as it is as well as the law as it needs to be developed. In doing so, the book challenges the current reticence to recognise direct human rights obligations of corporations by highlighting the various tools already available for remedying corporate human rights impacts while pushing for the development of further mechanisms
Italy and the European Union: how do young Italians see this relationship?
No full textThesis (B.A. in International Affairs, Minor in Economics)--John Cabot University, Spring 2015.This senior thesis is the result of a lack of knowledge regarding the public opinions about the EU of specific groups of people. Since the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, the European Union has seen its role in the domestic affairs of the Member States significantly increased. It now has a voice in several sectors of domestic policies, such as economy, education, and the health system, through directives and regulations that aim at guaranteeing some common standards in all member states. The ultimate target of this institution is the EU citizen. Regardless of their nationality, EU citizens have common rights deriving from their state’smembership to the EU. Therefore, the way in which the EU is perceived by the public opinion is of significant importance for understanding how much citizens approve the EU’s modus operandi. Because of this, the European Commission has established a yardstick to measure how citizens perceive the EU, i.e. the Eurobarometer. Since 1973, the EC has conducted surveys in all the member states in order to measure if people in each country were led toward a positive consideration of the EU, or if they were opposing it, thus being Eurosceptic. The main problem with the Eurobarometer - and cause and driver of this thesis - is the consideration of the public opinion of a nation as a whole, without differentiation for age or economic group. The EB has showed the public perceptions about the EU by Italians throughout four decades without subdividing the population into specific groups. Moreover, there is the absence of an analysis about the forces driving the different opinions. What if Italian young people are completely Eurosceptic, or women are all pro-EU? What if the choice of a job or the education path completed does determine a specific attitude toward the EU? The aim of this thesis is to understand if Italian young people (20-30 years) are Eurosceptic and if the theory of domestic proxies by Christopher Anderson can explain their attitude