2273 research outputs found

    Facing reality: a need to change the legal framework of the EU public health policy and the influence of the pandemic of Covid-19 on the perception of identity and the role of the EU

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    The main aim of this article is to highlight two interconnected issues raised in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The first one concerns a need to change the EU Health Policy legal framework, particularly the founding treaties (TEU and TFEU), while the second one relates to the issue of the very perception of the identity of the European Union. The possible adequate solution for the situation created by the unprecedented nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and unprecedented measures that followed, was to proclaim state of emergency, which was largely avoided. It seems that it should be considered whether there is a need for amendments of the European Union founding treaties and/or the Charter on Fundamental Rights by providing the possibility of the state of emergency proclamation in the case of "the threats of the life" of the EU. The European Union is not entrusted with the competencies, powers, and responsibilities in health matters such as a pandemic, however founding treaties, functioning institutions as well as procedures seem sufficient for an effective response to health crises such as the one caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, having in mind experience with the COVID-19 pandemic it seems that there is a need to strengthen the EU legal framework concerning the issues of pandemic and similar threats, not by altering the nature of the EU competence regarding health issues, but by identifying the threats such as pandemic in the founding treaties that should contain basic regulations concerning European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control. In that manner the efficient response would be in a form of an institutionalized mechanism at the core of the European Union instead of being fully dependent on the variable political will. At the same time there is an urgent need to identify those Health Policy issues that should be an adequate subject of judicial scrutiny. The COVID-19 pandemic also proved that Member States and the European Union should be more realistic regarding the perception of the role and identity of the European Union. The author argues that the identity of the European Union is blurred with a variety of considerations and that its content and features should be more determined, not only in academic literature but also in political practice, especially when it comes to the issue of self-determination of the European Union. The world is not the same as it was before the pandemic, and it seems that the European Union, in order to be prepared to face new challenges, must build its identity in realistic parameters and act in one voice "if it wants to make itself heard and play its proper role in the world", as it was declared in the 1973 Declaration on the European Identity

    Rubin Miri: Cities of strangers: Making lives in medieval Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2020, XV + 189

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    Less is more?: On the number of judges and judicial efficiency

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    U ovom radu bavimo se odnosom između relativnog broja sudija u okviru jedne jurisdikcije i efikasnosti pravosuđa. Da bismo utvrdili kako broj sudija utiče na efikasnost, upoređujemo podatke o pravosuđu iz šest zemalja: Srbije, Hrvatske, Slovenije, Francuske, Austrije i Norveške. Analiza je zasnovana na podacima prikupljenim u 2018. godini od strane CEPEJ-a i Indeksa vladavine prava World Justice Report-a za 2018. godinu. Zaključujemo da se efikasnost pravosuđa ne poveć ava sa poveć anjem broja sudija u jednoj jurisdikciji.In this paper, we deal with the relationship between the relative number of judges within a jurisdiction and the efficiency of the judiciary. To determine how the number of judges influences efficiency, we compare data on the judiciary from six countries: Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, France, Austria and Norway. The analysis is based on data collected within the 2020 Evaluation cycle (2018 data) of CEPEJ and World Justice Report Rule of Law Index for 2018. We conclude that judicial efficiency does not increase with an increase in the number of judges in a jurisdiction

    The global economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic: A birds-eye view

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    The aim of the article is to provide a general, broad picture of the economic effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, without going into the details. The impact of the pandemic on economic growth was sharp, with sudden and deep decline, followed by complete and swift recovery. Both the supply and the demand side contributed to this dynamic, based on the same factors (morbidity and mortality, behavioural adjustments of individuals, and government pandemic control measures), although with quite distinctive mechanisms of impact. It was the uncertainty of both the supply-and demand-side economic agents that was decisive for the sudden drop in the level of economic activity. Macroeconomic policies, both monetary (quantitative easing) and fiscal (budgetary deficits) proved timely and prevented a global depression. In the aftermath, the side effects of these policies are substantial inflation, increased basic interest rates to counter that inflation, increased sovereign debt, and its threatened sustainability

    Hans Kelsens pure theory of law as critique of the "authoritarian" understanding of law and jurisprudence

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    In this paper, I analyse Hans Kelsens understanding of jurisprudence and law - by contrasting the normative-dogmatic understanding, which I will call authoritarian. By establishing the primacy of politics and rejecting the prescriptive function of jurisprudence, Hans Kelsen enabled a democratic concept of law (and of jurisprudence), and at the same time a critical and political approach. Kelsen defines the law from a dynamic perspective, which justifies the constant changeability of the law - and in this respect the primacy of democratic politics over dogmatic jurisprudence. The normative basis for Kelsens understanding of jurisprudence is his relativism, which is based on a moral position on the autonomy of the individual

    Elections for the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, held on May 5, 1935

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    U radu se analiziraju političke prilike u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji koje su prethodile izborima za Narodnu skupštinu koji su održani 5. maja 1935. godine, kao i rezultati tih izbora. Na osnovu dostupnih istorijskih izvora, autor daje egzaktne podatke o rezultatima izbora i analizira širi kontekst u kome su deluovale političke stranke. Na osnovu sprovedenog istraživanja, autor zaključuje da vođstvo udružene opozicije u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, demokratsko bez sumnje, nije shvatilo svoj zadatak i ulogu u izgradnji demokratije.The paper analyzes the political situation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that preceded the elections for the National Assembly held on May 5, 1935, as well as the results of those elections. Based on available historical sources, the author provides exact data on the election results and analyzes the broader context in which political parties operated. Based on the conducted research, the author concludes that the leadership of the united opposition in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, democratic without a doubt, did not understand its task and role in building democracy

    The relationship between alcohol abuse and homicides in the sample of convicted offenders in Belgrade

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    Autori se u radu bave pitanjem povezanosti zloupotrebe alkohola i ubistava. Prvi deo rada ukazuje na rasprostranjenost zloupotrebe alkohola u nasilničkom kriminalitetu i ubistvima. Autori potom analiziraju kriminološke teorije kojima se objašnjava ta povezanost. Predmet teorijskog dela rada je i izlaganje o različitim tipologijama ubistava. Drugi deo članka čini empirijska analiza koja je izvršena na uzorku od 84 pravnosnažna sudska predmeta Višeg suda u Beogradu. Osim utvrđivanja rasprostranjenosti zloupotrebe alkohola, autori analiziraju i značaj prisustva alkohola u različitim klasifikacijama ubistava. Ispitivali smo da li alkohol češće zloupotrebljavaju muškarci ili žene, da li je alkohol zastupljeniji u ubistvima čije su žrtve poznate ili bliske učiniocu ili onim učinjenim protiv nepoznatih. Posebnu pažnju smo usmerili na podelu ubistava na konfliktna, osvetnička, među partnerima i ubistva izvršena zajedno sa razbojništvom/razbojničkom krađom. Osim kod učinilaca, analizirali smo i da li je i u kojoj meri zastupljena zloupotreba alkohola i kod žrtava.This paper examines the relationship between alcohol abuse and homicides. The first part explores the relevance of alcohol in violent crime in general as well as in homicides. The authors further analyse criminology theories that explain the influence of this factor in understanding homicides. The second part of the article is an empirical analysis of a sample of 84 final court cases of the High Court in Belgrade, involving 105 victims, with the total 95 persons convicted of homicide, aggravated homicide or manslaughter. In addition to determining the prevalence of alcohol abuse in the sample, the authors also analyse the significance of the presence of alcohol in different homicide classifications. Authors conclude that the most relevant is the classification into conflict, revenge, intimate partner and homicides committed during robbery. The classification of homicides into expressive and instrumental, and homicides between strangers or acquaintances is not statistically significant

    The Ustasha genocide over the Serbs: The continuing Dolus Specialis

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    Ključna karakteristika krivičnog dela genocida, koja ga izdvaja od drugih kršenja međunarodnog humanitarnog prava i diže ga na nivo "zločina nad svim zločinima", jeste postojanje tzv. genocidne namere, tj. namere "potpunog ili delimičnog uništenja jedne nacionalne, etničke, rasne ili verske grupe kao takve". Težina i monstruoznost sadržaja takve namere, po pravilu, zahtevaju da je ona duboko ukorenjena u svesti pripadnika one grupe koja je izvršilac ovakvog zločina, a takva ukorenjenost podrazumeva i trajnost takve namere, odnosno genocidne ideje. Tokom Drugog svetskog rata srpski narod je, zajedno sa Romima i Jevrejima, u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj bio žrtva genocida, zločina kojeg su se gnušali čak i nacisti. Ideja i namera iskorenjenja srpskog naroda sa prostora koji su hrvatski nacionalisti smatrali za hrvatski nacionalni prostor, iako je ukorenjena vekovima unazad, dobila je svoje "teorijsko uobličenje" u XIX veku, pre svega u radovima Ante Starčevića, koji je još za života nazvan "Ocem Domovine". Svoje oduševljenje i inspirisanost Starčevićevim delom ustaše su tokom Drugog svetskog rata otvoreno iskazivale, tvrdeći da Nezavisne Države Hrvatske ne bi bilo da nije bilo Starčevića. Ustaška ideologija je nastavila da živi posle Drugog svetskog rata, pre svega kroz aktivnosti ustaške emigracije, ali je hrvatski nacionalizam, otvoren za prihvatanje ustaškog idejnog nasleđa, nastavio da živi i na prostoru same Hrvatske. Krajem osamdesetih i početkom devedesetih godina HH veka, sa oživljavanjem ideje o secesiji Hrvatske i sa njenom realizacijom, oživljava i ideja o Srbima kao "remetilačkom faktoru" u Hrvatskoj i o nužnosti njihove eliminacije sa tog prostora. Tuđmanova Hrvatska se vraća ustaškoj ideologiji u svim njenim elementima, uključujući u odnosu na Srbe i genocidnu nameru, koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata bila u velikoj meri realizovana. Poučeni iskustvom iz NDH, Srbi se organizuju i sprečavaju ponavljanje sudbine svojih pobijenih predaka i srodnika iz perioda Drugog svetskog rata, ali ne uspevaju da izbegnu "etničko čišćenje" sa prostora Hrvatske. Način na koji se u današnjoj Hrvatskoj interpretiraju događaji i iz Drugog svetskog rata i iz devedesetih godina XIX veka pokazuje da je ustaška ideologija i dalje duboko ukorenjena u značajnim segmentima hrvatskog društva, uključujući praktično celinu hrvatskog državnog vrha. A bitan, suštinski element ustaške ideologije je genocidna namera prema Srbima koja je još živa u Hrvatskoj.The key characteristic of the criminal aspect of the genocide, which distinguishes it from other violations of international humanitarian law and raises it to the level of the "crime above all crimes", is the existence of the so-called genocidal intention of "complete or partial destruction of a specific national, ethnic, racial or religious group". The gravity and monstrosity of the content of such intention, as q rule, require that it is deeply rooted in the conscience of the members of the group perpetrating this crime, while such inveteracy also implies the permanence of the intention, or genocidal idea. During World War II, the Serbian people, together with Jews and Romas, in the Independent State of Croatia were the victims of the genocide, the crime that abhorred even the Nazis. The idea and intention of the extermination of the Serbian people from the territory considered as Croatia's national territory by the Croatian nationalists, although existing for centuries in the past, got its "theoretical formation" in the 19th century, primarily in the works of Ante Starčević, who was called the "Father of the Fatherland" while he was still alive. The Ustasha openly showed their enthusiasm and inspiration by Starčević's works during World War II, claiming that there would not have been the Independent State of Croatia if it had not been for Starčević. The Ustasha ideology persisted after World War II, primarily through the activities of the Ustasha emigrants, but Croatian nationalism, open to accept the Ustasha ideological legacy, also persisted in the territory of Croatia itself. At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the revival of the idea about the secession of Croatia and its realization also led to the revival of the idea of the Serbs as a "destructive factor" in Croatia and the necessity of their elimination from that territory. Tuđman's Croatia resumed the Ustasha ideology in all its elements, including its attitude towards the Serbs and the genocidal intention, which had been largely realized during World War II. Drawing on the experience from the ISC, the Serbs became organized and prevented the repetition of the fate of their ancestors and relatives killed during World War II, but did not succeed in avoiding the "ethnic cleansing" from the territory of Croatia. The manner in which today's Croatia interprets events both from World War II and from the 1990s shows that the Ustasha ideology is still deeply rooted in the significant element of the Croatian society, including practically the entire top government of Croatia. An essentially important element of the Ustasha ideology is its genocidal intention towards the Serbs still living in Croatia

    Creditor protection in cross-border conversions, mergers and divisions

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    This paper elaborates on the protection of creditors in cross-border conversions, mergers and divisions, according to Directive 2019/2121/EU as regards these cross-border operations. After presenting the protection mechanisms available to creditors in cross-border operations prior to the adoption of the 2019 Directive, as well as the risks faced by creditors in such events, the author presents the system of creditor protection introduced by the Directive. Both creditor protection mechanisms in the broader sense (which are not designed exclusively for creditors) a nd the ones in the narrower sense (which are created only for their protection) are presented in the central portion of the paper. Among the latter group, the general protection mechanisms available for each cross-border operation are analysed, followed by the mechanisms that are specific to individual operations

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