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Modernity, Nobility, Morality: Leo Strauss\u27s View of Nietzsche
Contrary to other scholarship on Strauss, this paper argues that Strauss understands himself as having decisively rejected Nietzschean thought. First, I hold that notwithstanding the agreement between Strauss and Nietzsche on the critique of modern culture, the defects of liberal democracy, and the flaws in some kinds of historicism, Strauss sees Nietzsche as unable to extricate himself from the trap of modern standards. Nietzsche\u27s philosophy needs natural standards, but he denies that nature provides them. Second, I maintain that Strauss thinks Nietzsche differs from the classical standard of nobility and opposes the classics on the nature of man: for Nietzsche there are no natural ends. Third, I argue that in Strauss\u27s view Nietzsche decisively rejects citizen morality and justice, whereas Strauss regards them as beneficial and politically defensible because they point the way toward his higher standard of natural right
Agenda Setting and the Asbestos Issue: The Media Role in Issue Definition
Research on agenda setting suggests awareness of issues, discussion of particular issue topics, and identification of issues of current concern all tend to follow treatment of those issues in the media. Such research also contends that media attention to problems rises and falls independent of the severity of the problem. This study of the asbestos issue examines both the association between media definition of an issue and appearance of the issue on the public policy agenda, and the correspondence between background conditions and media issue attention. Results suggest qualified support for an issue redefinition hypothesis: replacement of one issue definition with another definition by the media is related to changes in issue publicity and issue agenda status. A second, media independence hypothesis, that media attention is only loosely associated with prevailing background conditions, was supported during both the rise and fall of the asbestos issue
The New Libertarianism and the Sedition Act of 1798
When the First Amendment was ratified in 1791 many Americans still regarded trenchant criticism of govemment, its officers, or its policies to be criminally punishable "seditious libel." Not until the bitter controversy ignited by the Sedition Act of 1798 did Americans formulate a theory of political expression in a republic that undercut arguments justifying prosecution for seditious libel. The result was a new libenarianism with regard to freedom of speech and press
Resisting Arrest: Race and Pittsburghers’ Struggles against Police Power from the 1840s through the 1950s
We often think about critiques of police violence against Black people as having begun in the 1960s and 1970s. This article explores the history of resistance to policing from Pittsburgh’s beginnings in the eighteenth century to the 1950s, proving a prehistory to this dominant narrative. As soon as the police emerged in late eighteenth-century Pittsburgh, the people they attempted to police pushed back against their actions. As they expanded their authority over the decades, this resistance expanded as well. People being policed tended to be the least powerful segment of the population, but sometimes their objections found their ways into newspapers and municipal and legal documents. This paper traces a continual tradition of protest to police violence and overreach, particularly by Black Pittsburghers and their occasional supporters. While it by no means solved the problem of police violence against Black Pittsburghers, this continuous struggle brought to light, sometimes reined in, and sometimes gained some redress for this endemic social problem
Khalifa
[This is the partial transcript of a video recorded in 1996 by documentary filmmaker William Gentile for his brother Lou Gentile, then Director of the Bureau of Narcotics for the Office of the Attorney General. Lou showed the video nationally at conferences and mentorship events as well as making copies for anyone who asked so that the video could be more widely shared, and William has generously given permission for Kalfou to publish this transcript. Special thanks to Stephen Stept for his transcription services. See the full video at https://youtu.be/mO5T6hCOBMw.]
My name is Richard Khalifa Diggs, Khalifa being an attribute that I adopted in 1977 at the Allegheny County Jail. I’m in for a double homicide on a life sentence without parole. I’ve been down nineteen years, six months, and seven days as of this morning.
I work at the operations building here at SCIP, the State Correctional Institution at Pittsburgh. About eight years ago I worked in this same building, and I was always somehow drawn to this particular spot at this window. It’s got pretty much a full view of the yard, pretty much a view of the institution overall, and from here, I see a lot of me and three or four generations of me. Just running around playing handball, basketball, tag, lifting iron, playing cards, planting heads [killing people]. It’s a senseless maze of confused people, of which I include myself. It’s almost horrible to the extent that you sit here and you realize that you’re very much a part of this
Scholar Collectives Advocating for Social Justice in Education
This paper describes the development, goals, and activities of six scholar collectives that work toward social justice in education. Each group is connected to higher education and engages its members to speak out against social and structural inequities and to push for changes toward social justice in early childhood, K–12, and higher education and for the general public. Three collectives are location based: the Chicagoland Researchers and Advocates for Transformative Education (CReATE), the California Alliance of Researchers for Equity in Education (CARE-ED), and the Hawai‘i Scholars for Education and Social Justice (HSESJ). The Education Deans for Justice and Equity (EDJE) is a national alliance of education deans and directors. The last two collectives, Radical STEMM Educators of the Bay Area (RadSTEMM) and the Coalition for Racial Equity in the Arts + Education (crea+e) are smaller organizations that focus on equity in education within their respective scholarly communities, STEMM and arts education. The six collectives featured here are part of a network of social justice collectives designed to share resources and collaborate with each other
What\u27s Local about Local Television News? An Analysis of 2004 Election Coverage by Philadelphia\u27s Local Television Stations
Because capturing and analyzing local television news broadcasts is difficult, most research on campaign ocverage by local television stations centers on a single candidate race and a limited number of news broadcasts. This article expands existing research by examining all prime time election coverage by Philadelphia\u27s four network affiliates in the final 30 days of the 2004 campagin. These stations virtually abandoned coverage of local and statewied races in favor of the presidential contest. Most coverage focused on campaign stategy rather than issues, but there is little evidence of direct bias favoring either Democrats or Republicans. Although stations generally ignored nonpresidential elections, they gave a fair amount of coverage to the mechanics of voting, which may provide voters with valuable locally based election information