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Lietuvos teismų vertėjų psichosocialinės rizikos priimtinumas
No full textResearch on psychosocial risk factors in Lithuania has increasingly focused on employees’ workplace experiences; however, the well-being of translators and interpreters—particularly those working in Lithuania’s courts—remains underexplored. Interpreting is widely recognized as a high-stress activity (Roziner and Shlesinger 2010), making this group especially relevant for psychosocial risk assessment. Translators, meanwhile, also experience significant occupational stress (Courtney and Phelan 2019). This study investigates psychosocial risks among court translators and interpreters in Lithuania using a survey-based approach. The questionnaire classified risk factors into five domains: work environment, work demands, work organization, work content, and interpersonal relationships. Responses were measured using a five-point Likert scale and analysed through correlation matrices to identify patterns and associations. On this basis, the results are considered reliable. They provide insights into the prevalence and acceptability of psychosocial risks in translation and interpreting contexts, contribute to occupational health research, and help identify aspects requiring improvement to ensure acceptable working conditions for translators and interpreters in Lithuania’s courts.Lietuvoje vis dažniau atliekami psichosocialinių rizikos veiksnių tyrimai, padedantys nustatyti, kaip darbuotojai jaučiasi darbo vietose, su kokiais emociniais ir elgesio iššūkiais jie susiduria ir kaip spręstinos kylančios problemos. Vis dėlto vertėjų savijauta atliekant darbo užduotis iki šiol netirta, nors jų patiriamo streso lygis, ypač jei verčiama žodžiu, vertinamas kaip itin aukštas (Roziner and Shlesinger 2010). Šiame straipsnyje pristatomo tyrimo tikslas – įvertinti Lietuvos teismų vertėjų psichosocialinės rizikos priimtinumą. Pasirinkta metodologinė prieiga – teismų vertėjų apklausa. Vertėjams pateiktame klausimyne išskirti psichosocialiniai rizikos veiksniai suskirstyti į 5 grupes: susiję su darbo aplinka, darbo reikalavimais, darbo organizavimu, darbo turiniu ir darbuotojų tarpusavio ar darbdavio ir darbuotojo tarpusavio santykiais. Gauti atsakymai išnagrinėti taikant Likerto skalę ir sudarius koreliacijų matricą, todėl šiame tyrime laikomi patikimais. Jie suteikia įžvalgų apie psichosocialinės rizikos veiksnius ir jų priimtinumą vertimo raštu ir žodžiu kontekste, prisideda prie profesinės sveikatos tyrimų ir padeda nustatyti, ką reikėtų keisti siekiant užtikrinti tinkamas darbo sąlygas Lietuvos teismuose dirbantiems vertėjams
The Hidden Link between Motivations Driving Earnings Management and Capital Structure Decisions: A Bibliometric Perspective
No full textIn this paper, earnings management and capital structure decisions are analysed from a new perspective. Bibliometric analysis of the link between capital structure and earnings management is performed, providing new insights on historical evolution of research in the field. The links between keywords in the research area are analysed and grouped in clusters. Valuable insights on the level of research carried out in the field are presented. Current studies are expanded by adding theoretical background analysis: capital structure decisions and the motives of earnings management are compared in the context of various theories. In this paper, common incentives behind capital structure decisions and earnings management are revealed. Systematic comparison between capital structure decisions and motives of earnings management together with results of bibliometric analysis provide new insights on the topic and can assist in future research
Bankroto prognozavimas Lietuvos maitinimo paslaugų sektoriuje: tradicinių, mašininio mokymosi ir hibridinių modelių taikymas bei makroekonominių veiksnių įtaka
No full textThis study examines bankruptcy prediction models specifically for Lithuania\u27s food service sector, which is known for its high economic sensitivity and significant bankruptcy risk. The primary issue addressed is the limited accuracy of traditional bankruptcy prediction models when applied to this industry—an important concern for business management and investors. The aim of the study is to evaluate the effectiveness of different types of bankruptcy prediction models for companies in Lithuania’s food service sector and to develop a hybrid model based on advanced technologies, tailored to the specific characteristics of the sector. The models investigated include the Altman Z-score, Ohlson O-score, Support Vector Machine (SVM), and Gradient Boosting Machine (GBM), with macroeconomic indicators incorporated into the advanced models. The empirical analysis was conducted using a dataset comprising 96 Lithuanian food service companies. Model performance was assessed through metrics such as AUC (ROC), F1 score, Brier score, and other key indicators. The findings reveal that the developed hybrid model with integrated macroeconomic factors achieved the highest prediction accuracy at 93.06%, along with the best overall balance of sensitivity, precision, and calibration, highlighting its potential as an effective tool for practical bankruptcy risk assessment in this sector.Straipsnyje analizuojamas bankroto prognozavimo modelių taikymas Lietuvos maitinimo paslaugų sektoriui, kuriam būdingas didelis ekonominis jautrumas ir aukšta bankroto rizika. Sprendžiama problema – tradicinių bankroto prognozavimo modelių nepakankamas tikslumas šio sektoriaus įmonių bankroto prognozavimui riboja jų efektyvų taikymą priimant verslo valdymo ir investicinius sprendimus. Tyrimo tikslas – įvertinti skirtingų bankroto prognozavimo modelių tipų tinkamumą Lietuvos maitinimo paslaugų sektoriaus įmonėms ir sukurti pažangiomis technologijomis pagrįstą hibridinį bankroto prognozavimo modelį, pritaikytą sektoriaus specifikai. Tyrimui taikyti Altman Z, Ohlson O, atraminių vektorių klasifikatoriaus (SVM) ir gradiento didinimo mašinų (GBM) modeliai, į pažangiuosius modelius integruojant ir makroekonominius rodiklius. Duomenų analizė atlikta su 96 Lietuvos maitinimo paslaugų įmonėmis, modelių veikimas vertintas naudojant AUC (ROC), F1, Brier ir kitus rodiklius. Tyrimo rezultatai parodė, kad sukurtas hibridinis modelis su makroekonominių veiksnių integracija pasiekė aukščiausią tikslumą (93,06 %) ir geriausią pusiausvyrą tarp jautrumo, preciziškumo bei kalibracijos, todėl gali būti laikomas efektyviu įrankiu praktiniam bankroto rizikos vertinimui maitinimo paslaugų sektoriuje
The Impact of Formal Entrepreneurship and Economic Freedom on the Size of the Shadow Economy in Asian Countries
No full textThis study aims to evaluate the impact of formal entrepreneurship and economic freedom on the size of the shadow economy in Asian countries. The research sample includes 22 Asian countries over the period from 1995 to 2018. The study employs reliable panel data estimation methods, including the Fixed Effects Model with robust standard errors method, the Driscoll-Kraay standard errors method, and the two-step system GMM method. The findings indicate that formal entrepreneurship has a positive relationship with the size of the shadow economy, while economic freedom and its two sub-components, business freedom and trade freedom, reduce the size of the shadow economy. Additionally, economic freedom, business freedom, and trade freedom play a moderating role in reducing the positive relationship between formal entrepreneurship and the size of the shadow economy. Our study suggests that governments should comprehensively evaluate the effectiveness of policies promoting entrepreneurship and consider expanding economic freedom, particularly business freedom and trade freedom
The Role of Green Financial Instruments, Monetary Policy, and Foreign Direct Investment in Promoting Sustainable Development in Developing ASEAN Countries
No full textThe global focus on sustainable development intensified with the introduction of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, with the primary aim of balancing economic growth, social well-being, and environmental responsibility. This research explores how green bonds, interest rate policies, and foreign direct investment (FDI) contribute to the progress of SDGs in four developing ASEAN nations: Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand. Using quarterly data from 2018 to 2023, the study applies the Panel Vector Error Correction Model (PVECM) to uncover the dynamics at work. The findings reveal that green bonds and foreign direct investment have a notable and positive effect on the SDG index in both the short and long term. On the other hand, the impact of policy interest rates is negative, though statistically insignificant, particularly when rates are high. These results provide valuable guidance for policymakers seeking to enhance the effectiveness of financial tools and investments in driving sustainable development. Furthermore, the study stresses the importance of well-rounded policy frameworks that integrate economic, social, and environmental objectives. Theoretically, this study contributes to the refinement of Ecological Modernization Theory by empirically demonstrating how green financing and FDI serve as pivotal instruments in advancing sustainable development within emerging ASEAN economies
Efektyvių politinės komunikacijos tinklų kūrimas: teoriniai modeliai ir Ukrainos praktikos
No full textThis article explores the construction of effective social networks for political communication, by combining theoretical modeling with empirical validation through practices adopted by Ukrainian officials. It introduces a framework grounded in structural functionalism, social network constructivism, and normative value approaches with the objective to evaluate the role of trust, engagement, and network structure in enhancing communication effectiveness. The article proposes valuence as a metric for assessing the influence of political actors within online platforms and validates its applicability by using case studies of Telegram and Viber channels. The article’s findings reveal that well-designed network configurations, by balancing centralization for trust-building and decentralization for engagement, can significantly enhance political communication outcomes. The study contributes to the theory and practice of networked political communication, offering actionable insights for policymakers and practitioners.Šiame straipsnyje tiriamas efektyvių socialinių tinklų, skirtų politinei komunikacijai, kūrimas. Tai daroma konstruojant teorinį modelį, kuris empiriškai tiriamas nagrinėjant Ukrainos atvejį. Teorijoje remiamasi struktūrinio funkcionalizmo, socialinių tinklų konstruktyvizmo ir normatyvinėmis prieigomis siekiant įvertinti pasitikėjimo, įsitraukimos ir tinklo struktūros svarbą skatinant komunikacijos efektyvumą. Straipsnyje siūloma kalbėti apie vertybinį valentiškumą kaip rodiklį, kuriuo nustatoma politinio veikėjo įtaka socialiniuose tinkluose. Šis vertinimas pritaikomas tiriant „Telegram“ ir „Viber“ tinklus. Tyrimas parodo, kad apgalvota tinklo konfigūracija, centralizuotas pasitikėjimo kūrimas ir įsitraukimo decentralizacija gali reikšmingai padidinti politinės komunikacijos paveikumą. Tyrimas prisideda prie įtinklintos politinės komunikacijos teorijos ir praktikos analizės, implikuodamas pasiūlymus politikos formuotojams. Straipsniu siūloma vertybinio valentiškumo, kaip būdo matuoti politinių veikėjų įtaką interneto tinkle, idėja ir ji pritaikoma atvejo analizėje tiriant „Telegram“ ir „Viber“ platformas. Analizėje atskleidžiama, kad gerai sukurta konfigūracija tinkle, subalansuotas pasitikėjimo kūrimo valdymas ir decentralizuotas įsitraukimas gali padidinti komunikacijos efektyvumą. Analizė prisideda prie politinės komunikacijos socialiniuose tinkluose teorijos ir praktikos, siūlydama naujus principus politikos formuotojams ir praktikams
Kalba ir etniškumas Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje: kai kurie teoriniai aspektai
No full textThis article presents a favourable theoretical analysis of the political problem of high profile which acutely touches Central and Eastern Europe – the ethnic problem. The outstanding role in delimiting ethnic dependence and conditioning ethnic cleavage turns to be devoted to language. The author gives a very persuasive introduction to this problem as well as promotes an exclusive comparison where the Western (arguably – civilly developed cultures) and Central-Eastern European nations, as well as history-influenced modifications to the character of the issue, are paralleled. We are not presented with a narrow and simplistic narration but are rather compelled to thoroughly perceive the multilateral complexity of this problem. Hence the author tries to trace the solutions that entail inter-ethnic tensions, although he primarily identifies the \u27true\u27 causes for such tensions. Schopflin finds it necessary to define what exactly ethnicity is and the reasons why language is enacted to such a salient role in ethnic self-consciousness.
He excludes the restrictive assumption that ethnicity has been made political by "artificial" means only, providing evidence of why this approach proves to be not exhaustive. A sharper insight into this problem is introduced. The essential point is that ethnicity operates simultaneously on several planes, only one of which belongs to the political one. The author argues that while in pre-modern societies there was no occurrence of the political system to impinge too directly on cultures, with the coming of modernity, it began to do so. The article foregoes with the clarification that ethnicity is about cultural reproduction, where culture is defined as a system of moral regulation in its deepest sense. Cultural variations which locate distinctions and peculiarities in the questions of political power come to constitute the raw material for ethnic cleavage, because each community is axiomatically convinced of the rightness of its morality and its superiority to all others.
The author continues in the depiction of the characteristics which specify the Western cultures and the Eastern nationalisms in which the former proves to be the type of democratic nationalism, the one to nurture loyalties, whenever the latter managed to rear up an all-directing monopolical political elite (the author names them \u27secular intellectuals\u27) who challenged every aspect of the established status quo and saw this as their raison d\u27être. Their vocation was not confined to some relatively confined arena (as in the West) but devoted themselves to nation-wide aspects, as the language might prove. In the face of the deprivation of the Western civic homogenisation, language in Central and Eastern Europe attained a much more effective basis for power than contiguity. Language in the latter became an instrument of popular mobilisation. Intellectuals used and controlled language; it became both instrument and aim; intellectuals consequently acquired paths to moral legislation.
The author notices that any efforts to construct political nations on some other principles, namely geographical, in Central and Eastern Europe failed because of the lack of dynamism that derives from an authentically felt sense of community. Whenever the civic dimension of the nationhood devolves its primacy in the West, language demonstrates its primacy in the East. Expressive words of a Hungarian writer Gyula Illyes are put forward: if, he states, there is a language, then its speakers constitute a community; if a community has its own language, it has the right to constitute its own state and become a subject of history.
The author concludes that language has played both a symbolic and a functional role in the centralisation of Central and Eastern Europe. It is claimed that though there can be no contingency in the nature of language, no language, with the exception of Polish, has had a continuous high cultural tradition. It is, however, posed that high cultural languages are vital both instrumentally and as legitimation. Nevertheless, motion to modernity distracts Central and Eastern European countries from the wide tolerance to multilingualism, which is understood as weakness that potentially threatens the future of the community. Hence, intolerance and oppression prevailing in the countries is the proof that the modern state has proved to be unable to assimilate ethnic minorities, once they have become conscious of their identity. Only the situation of one having its own language is taken as acceptable. Numerous examples are given to support these arguments.
It is concluded that despite the feeling of something being missed, the provided factors constitute an explanatory framework for why it is so extraordinarily difficult to establish linguistic co-existence at the high cultural level in Central and Eastern Europe and why seemingly simple problems acquire an apparently applicable and deep-rooted insolubility.Etniniai konfliktai, teigia straipsnio autorius, atsiranda, bendruomenėms siekiant patvirtinti savo „moraliną vertę" savo bei kitų akyse. Kiekviena bendruomenė turi daug simbolių, nurodančių jos skirtumus nuo kitų bendruomenių, ir vienas svarbiausiųjų yra kalba. Straipsnio autoriaus tvirtinimu, Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje kalbos kaip etninio simbolio vaidmuo buvo ypač ryškus. George\u27as Schiipflinas teigia, kad Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje, kitaip negu Vakaruose, kalba, o ne teritorija buvo veiksmingiausias politikos šaltinis. Kartu kalba tapo ne tik instrumentu, bet ir tikslu - moralinės teisės egzistuoti simboliu
Valdant energijos išteklių kainų krizę: nuo operacinio atsako prie politikos kaitos
No full textThe paper examines government responses to the recent energy price crisis in the context of the polycrisis in Lithuania. It adopts a framework which links these responses to the response paradigm followed by the government comprised of two layers: the crisis management paradigm, and the policy paradigm specific to a policy field. The paper explores how these two layers evolved in the energy sector given the polycrisis and historical contexts, and how they interacted in shaping the operational and strategic policy responses to the energy crisis. The paper shows that, to manage the crisis, the government adopted a paradigm based on activist state intervention and principles of fast and simple horizontal relief measures for households and businesses, which is an approach that proved effective during the earlier coronavirus pandemic. In addition, the crisis management paradigm had a clear strategic component in the form of price and investment incentives for the more aggressive expansion of domestic renewable energy sources-based energy generation capacities. While favourable conditions for this strategic component came from EU-wide attempts to cope with the climate crisis, the paper also links it to an energy crisis-provoked shift in the energy policy paradigm among Lithuanian political leaders, which altered the way energy security is perceived. If, prior to the crisis, energy security was mainly perceived as a redirection of energy flows from Russia to the EU, during and after the crisis it started to be increasingly viewed as full energy independence, achieved through the technological transformation of the whole energy system.Straipsnyje analizuojamas Lietuvos vyriausybės atsakas į pastarųjų metų energijos išteklių kainų krizę daugialypės krizės kontekste. Jame pasitelkiamas koncepcinis modelis susieja šį atsaką su vyriausybės pasirinkta atsako paradigma, sudaryta iš dviejų lygmenų: krizės valdymo paradigmos ir konkrečiai politikos sričiai būdingos politikos paradigmos. Straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip šie du lygmenys formavosi energetikos sektoriuje, atsižvelgiant į daugialypės krizės ir istorinį kontekstus, taip pat kaip jų sąveika formavo operacinį ir strateginį politikos atsaką į energetikos išteklių kainų krizę. Tyrimas atskleidžia, kad vyriausybė, siekdama suvaldyti krizę, vadovavosi aktyvistine valstybės intervencijos paradigma, pagrįsta greito veikimo ir lengvai įgyvendinamomis horizontaliomis paramos namų ūkiams ir verslui priemonėmis, pasiteisinusiomis ankstesnės COVID-19 pandemijos metu. Tačiau krizės valdymo paradigma turėjo ir aiškų strateginį komponentą, pasireiškusį kaip paskatos investicijoms į spartesnę energijos gamybos iš vietinių atsinaujinančių energijos išteklių plėtra. Nors šiam komponentui palankias sąlygas sudarė visos Europos Sąjungos pastangos spręsti klimato kaitos krizę, straipsnyje jis taip pat siejamas su energijos išteklių kainų krizės išprovokuotu Lietuvos energetikos politikos paradigmos pokyčiu, pakeitusiu energetinio saugumo suvokimą: iki krizės energetinis saugumas daugiausia buvo traktuojamas kaip energijos srautų iš Rusijos pakeitimas srautais iš Europos Sąjungos, o krizės metu ir po jos jis vis dažniau imtas suprasti kaip visiška energetinė nepriklausomybė, pasiekiama visos energetikos sistemos technologinės transformacijos būdu
