UP Journals (Univ. of Pretoria)
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The constitutionality of section 16A of the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996
Die Wysigingswet op Onderwyswette 31 van 2007 het artikel 16A tot die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet 84 van 1996 toegevoeg. Hierdie artikel sal onder meer kyk na die implikasies van artikel 16A van die Skolewet op die rol van die skoolhoof as ’n lid van die beheerliggaam en as ’n werknemer van die Departement van Onderwys en die potensiële botsing van belange voortspruitend uit artikel 16A. Die grondwetlikheid van die betrokke artikel gaan deeglik ondersoek en bespreek word.
Artikel 16(2) van die Skolewet bepaal dat \u27n beheerliggaam in \u27n vertrouensposisie teenoor die skool staan. Hierdie bepaling geld ook vir die skoolhoof, as ’n lid van die beheerliggaam. Die gevolg van Artikel 16A is dat die skoolhoof ’n opdrag van die Departement kan ontvang om die Departement se belange in die beheerliggaam te verteenwoordig, maar dat hierdie belange dikwles in stryd is met die belange van beheerliggaam.
Artikel 23(1) van die Grondwet bepaal dat elkeen die reg tot billike arbeidspraktyke het. Billike arbeidspraktyke word nie in die Grondwet self omskryf nie.
Daar kan geargumenteer word dat die Departement die skoolhoof in ’n ongemaklike werksituasie plaas omdat daar ingevolge wetgewing, van die skoolhoof verwag word om twee teenstrydige opdragte uit te voer. Artikel 16A verwag van die skoolhoof om die Departement van Onderwys se belange eerste te stel terwyl artikel 16(2) die skoolhoof verplig om die skool se belange eerste te stel. Dit gee gevolg tot ’n onbillike arbeidspraktyk omdat die skoolhoof uit vrees vir ’n tugverhoor, sou hy nie sy opdrag van sy werkgewer navolg nie, ’n mandaat uitvoer wat strydig is met sy vertouensposisie teenoor die skool ingevolge artikel 16(2); of sou hy ingevolge artikel 16(2) optree en die belange van die skool bo die belange van die Departement kies en dan sy plig as werknemer teenoor die Departement ingevolge artikel 16A nie nakom nie. In beide hierdie situasies sal dit die verhouding tussen die skoolhoof en Departement nadelig bëinvloed en op ’n onbillike arbeidspraktyk neerkom wat teenstrydig is met artikel 23 van die Grondwet
Surrogate motherhood agreements and their confirmation: A new challenge for practitioners?
Ondanks die feit dat onlangse regspraak sommige onduidelikhede aangaande die regsposisie van surrogaatskap uit die weg geruim het, bestaan verskeie regs- en etiese dilemmas steeds op dié gebied. Ten spyte van die huidige lacunae dien die kontrak as ’n hulpmiddel om die belange van beide die lasgewende ouer(s) en die surrogaatmoeder te bevestig en te beskerm.
Die howe vereis ’n volledige, eerlike en omvattende kontrak, beëdigde verklaring en aansoek. Ten spyte hiervan blyk partye onbewus of ongeërg oor die moontlikheid en uitwerking van hul versuim om gehoor te gee aan hierdie vereistes. Voordat surrogaatskap deur die Kinderwet1 gereguleer was, het onvrugbare paartjies waarskynlik surrogaatskap onwettiglik beoefen. Die vraag is dus waarom, nou dat die praktyk wettig is, paartjies steeds die gereg tart?
Vanweë die aard van surrogaatskap bestaan die praktyk grotendeels uit die strewe na ’n balans tussen die belange van die verskeie partye, die kind en die gemeenskap as ’n geheel - ’n taak wat byna onmoontlik blyk te wees. Tans is die surrogaatmoederskapsooreenkoms die mees gepaste instrument om die belange van alle betrokkenes te beskerm. Die moontlikheid van ’n surrogaatskap-spesifieke model moet ondersoek word, om sodoende voornemende partye, asook ons howe leiding te bied in die uitleg, bekragtiging en implementering van surrogaatmoederskapsooreenkomste onder Hoofstuk 19 van die Kinderwet.
Todat ’n surrogaatskap-spesifieke model ontwerp word, of ’n hof ’n uitspraak lewer wat só ’n model impliseer, word daar aanbeveel dat die kontraktereg-model toegepas word. Dit maak voorsiening vir die moontlikheid dat die bedoeling van die partye nagejaag kan word. Verder word ook aan die hand gedoen dat toepassing van die kontraktereg-model kan lei tot die teëwerking van die onsekerhede wat daargestel word deur die afwesigheid van regulasies kragtens Hoofstuk 19 van die Wet
Dawn of a competitive electricity sector for South Africa: The Independent System and Market Operator Bill B 9-2012 - Context, content and comment
Die Independent System and Market Operator Bill B9-2012 (“ISMO-Wetsontwerp”) wat tans voor die Parlement dien, is ’n kardinale stap in die ontwikkeling van mededinging in die Suid-Afrikaanse elektrisiteitsektor. Die Wetsontwerp word hier krities beskou in die konteks van mededingingsverwikkelinge in die sektor en enkele vergelykings word getref met die Ontario Independent Electricity System Operator (IESO) ten einde voorstelle ter verstewiging van die Wetsontwerp aan die hand te doen. Hierdie het hoofsaaklik betrekking op die korporatiewe vorm van ISMO; ISMO se drievoudige rol met betrekking tot die elektrisiteitbeplanningsfunksie, stelselontwikkeling en as stelsel- en markoperateur; en die eienaarskap van die transmissiebates. ’n Deurtastende beskouing van mededinging in die elektrisiteitsektor toon aan dat velerlei ondernemings in dié verband gemaak is deur die owerhede sedert 1998, maar dat daar weinig van gekom het tot dusver, met die resulterende kapasiteitskrisis wat weer in die winter van 2012 gelei het tot kragonderbrekings en beurtkrag. Daar word voorgestel dat ISMO ’n groter rol te speel het as wat tans in die Wetsontwerp beoog word in verband met elektrisiteitsbeplanning, die toewysing van nuwe opwekkingsgeleenthede, die ontwikkeling en uitbreiding van die nasionale transmissiestelsel en die kontraktering vir nuwe opwekking. Dit word ook beklemtoon dat die eienaarskap van die transmissiebates ’n deurslaggewende faktor kan wees in die uiteindelike sukses aldan nie van ISMO. Die belang van ’n onafhanklike, neutrale mark- en stelseloperateur kan nie oorbeklemtoon word met verwysing na die Renewable Energy Independent Producer Procurement Programme wat einde 2011 deur die Departement van Energie van stapel gestuur is nie. Dit is ’n voorvereiste vir ’n suksesvolle belegging deur ’n onafhanklike kragprodusent dat hy onbelemmerde toegang tot die transmissienetwerk moet kry en dat hy van ’n afset verseker is vir sy produk. ISMO vervul juis hierdie rol
Africa and the Deep Seabed Regime: Politics and International Law of the Common Heritage of Mankind
Between word and deed: The Icograda Design Manifesto, Seoul 2000
Exactly what is included under the classification manifesto is open to debate. Corporations and non-profit organisations have their mission statements, governments and foundations have their policy agendas, and political parties have their platforms - all these might be considered particular forms of manifesto. On occasion a less formal organisation creates a manifesto. What marks all these documents is a common purpose - to focus attention on a new agenda arising from a recognition of changed circumstances, to publicly announce a desired change in human behavior and institutional configuration, and to exhort interested and influential people to not only endorse the manifesto, but to bring about through their own agendas the changes the manifesto prescribes. A successful manifesto is a call to action that stimulates and coordinates agency
Editorial
Virtually all academic disciplines have communications channels and forums to disseminate information, to encourage dialogue and to support research and the building of a knowledge base.\u27 Design in South Africa is still dominated by intuitive practitioners who are more likely to consult a trade magazine instead of a scholarly publication, and who see design literature in terms of promotion and publicity, rather than the careful and critical examination of ideas and information
Shedding Light on Loadshedding with Natural Language Processing: A social media case study on public perspectives of the South African electricity crisis in 2022
In times of collective discomfort and dissatisfaction, people often find solace in shared adversity on social media platforms like X (formerly known as Twitter). These platforms offer a unique window into the public’s emotions andviewpoints concerning common challenges. I n2022, South Africa experienced an electricity crisis, during which the country was subjectedto rolling blackouts, commonly known as load-shedding, by Eskom, the country’s primary electricity provider, to prevent a national electricity grid shutdown. This study conducted adata-driven exploration of the public discourse surrounding Eskom and loadshedding on X using natural language processing and data science techniques. The dataset utilised for thisstudy comprised tweets containing keywords related to Eskom and loadshedding. The studydelved into the topics of discussion by applying topic modelling techniques to uncover latent themes within the discourse. The topics were analysed through a multifaceted lens to unpack and highlight patterns within the sentiments, emotions and biases that underpin conversations related to loadshedding and Eskom. A notable inclusion in the analysis was the incorporation of sarcasm classifications,which enhanced the interpretation of the emotion and sentiment within the topics discussed.The findings uncovered from the analysis were contrasted with loadshedding-related events in 2022 to understand the public discourse as the electricity crisis escalated. The methodologyof this study provides a framework for utilising natural language processing techniques touncover and examine the perspectives of a collective within discourse related to events of shared interest
Building Corpora for Low-Resource Kenyan Languages
Natural Language Processing is a crucial frontier in artificial intelligence, with broad application across public health, agriculture, education, and commerce. However, due to the lack of substantial linguistic resources, many African languages remain underrepresented in this digital transformation. This article presents a case study on the development of linguistic corpora for three under-resourced Kenyan languages, Kidaw’ida, Kalenjin, and Dholuo, with the aim of advancing natural language processing and linguistic research in African communities. Our project, which lasted one year,employed a selective crowd-sourcing methodology to collect text and speech data from native speakers of these languages. Data collection involved (1) recording and transcribing conver-sations and translating the resulting text into Kiswahili, creating parallel corpora, and (2) reading and recording written texts to generate speech corpora. We made these resourcesfreely accessible on open-research platforms, namely Zenodo for the parallel text corpora and Mozilla Common Voice for the speech datasets, thereby facilitating ongoing contributions anddeveloper access to train models and develop Natural Language Processing applications.
South Africa’s Foreign Policy since the End of Apartheid: Continuities and Discontinuities
In the three decades since the end of apartheid, South Africa\u27s foreign policy has aimed to maintain friendly relationships with countries in the Global North, while also fostering economic ties with nations in the Global South. Additionally, it has sought to normalize and strengthen relations with African countries, particularly those in Southern Africa. There is a growing consensus among scholars that since the presidencies of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, South Africa\u27s foreign policy has entered a crisis phase, characterized by a greater emphasis on aligning foreign policy with the country\u27s economic needs and a decline in proactive initiatives within Africa. Drawing on archival sources, official South African government documents, and extensive secondary literature this essay explores the evolution of South Africa\u27s foreign policy in the post-apartheid era and highlights the continuities and changes under various presidencies over the past thirty years. Contrary to much recent literature, this analysis suggests that the foundations of South Africa\u27s post-apartheid foreign policy were established by Mandela and Mbeki. Subsequent leaders, Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa, have continued to follow a path that was already laid out. While South Africa is currently an influential voice in the Global South, its foreign policy reveals significant contradictions. First, Pretoria has not yet ensured that its foreign policy contributes to a more inclusive model of economic development, both domestically and globally. Second, it remains unclear how South Africa intends to promote security in Africa without a strong commitment to strengthening democratic institutions
Transnational affect and gender-based violence in Arizona, CY (2024): Arts activisms and gender-based violence through transnational perspectives
Arizona, CY (2024) blends original poetry and photography to forge narrative and visual connections between Arizona and Cyprus. Poems like After the raid, Where are you?, Emine, and Ledger illuminate real-life stories of trauma, exploitation, and gender-based violence (GBV) against women, exploring the intimate and structural dimensions of these experiences. The visual imagery – arid landscapes and resilient flora – symbolise the damage and survival from the shared histories of environmental devastation, interethnic tensions, and social injustice across these regions. Grounded in transnational feminism, this article examines how colonial legacies, migration, and economic disparities contribute to the perpetuation of GBV as a global phenomenon. Drawing on affect theory, trauma studies, and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s nomadic sensibility, we emphasise the work’s focus on resilience, empathy, and interconnectedness. Sara Ahmed’s concept of ‘sticky’ emotions, as well as Elizabeth A. Povinelli’s theories of abandonment and economies of value, provide frameworks for understanding how Arizona, CY fosters transnational solidarity by creating therapeutic social links and affective experiences. By respecting cultural specificity while challenging patriarchal structures at large, Arizona, CY highlights the transformative potential of empathy and rhizomatic thinking in addressing GBV. The work ultimately acts as a feminist praxis for fostering solidarity and change across borders and contexts