OSU Journals (Oklahoma State University)

Trimble, Marilyn

FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 150
THEORIES AND TRENDS
• To understand why a women has
problems deciding to 'leave a vio-
lent relationship, one must under-
stand the part tha t sex-role soci-
aization and power hierarchy
have played. "In the beginning,
human beings lived in a state of
promiscuity. Lineage in early
days could only be reckoned by
the female line. Women, as mo-
thers, were the only discernible
parents and received a high de-
gree of consideration and respect"
(Martin 1976 25). Engels wrote:
"all 'primitive societies passed
through this initial stage of hu-
man relations; it was the pre-
cursor to all other stages of soc-
ial development" (1948 42). He
BATTERED WOMEN: SOME RELEVANT VARIABLES
Bi Ily Johnson, Central State University
Marilyn Trimble, YWCA Women's Resource Center
THE PROBLEM The battered woman speculates that the transition from
phenomenon is the most under- group marriage and the extended
reported offense in the United family to the pairing marriage -
States. Blackened eyes, broken what we call the nuclear family -
bones, depressed spirits and pan- overthrew the mother right, and
ic characterize women who call a enforced monogamy. ---
crisis center for help. Like other Monogamy probably was woman's
crimes against the weak and de- answer to sexual attack, and phy-
pendent, such as rape and chi Id sical battering if she resisted,
abuse, woman battering has been by males in her tribal group. Her
largely ignored in a violence fear of rape, and not a natural
prone male dominated society. inclination toward monogamy pro-
Perhaps 60 percent of all mar- bably was the factor in the origi-
ried women endure some form of nal subjugation of women by men.
physical abuse by their husbands This is the key to women's histor-
(Fleming 1979 115). Only 2 per- ic dependence and her domestica-
cent' of abusing husbands are tion by protective mating. In giv-
ever prosecuted (Jacobson 1977). ing up her freedom for protection
Chi I d abuse and rape are pun- by a mate, a women belonged to
ishable as felonies, and great the mate in payment for this ser-
strides have been made to offer vice. She suppressed her inherent
services and protection for the power and worth as a human be-
victims. But only in very recent ing for security. If she tried to
years has woman-beating been re- think for herself or question the
cognized as a major social prob- norms for her sex, she was abus-
lem. Abused and beaten women ed, beaten, or punished.
are now being seen as victims of "Disappointed and disi lIusioned by
violence. Through crisis centers, the inherent female incapacity to
special telephone lines, and re- protect, she became estranged
fuge shelters for the estimated 30 from other females, a problem
million women and their children that haunts the social organiza-
subject to abuse, publ ic and tion of women to this day. And
private agencies are slowly being those who did assume the historic
made aware, and trying to rescue burden of her protection later
these adult female victims. formalized as father, brother, hus-
band, clan - extracted more than
a pound of flesh. They reduced
her status to that of chattel
Man's forcible extension of his
boundaries to his mate and later
to their offspring was the begin-
ning of his concept of ownership"
(Brownmiller 1975 16).
The power and dominance exer-
ted by the male evolved into au-
thority, and the division of labor
and parallel roles became institu-
tionalized. These sex role differen-
ces originally stemmed from the
basic physiological differences
such as strength, mensturation,
and pregnancy (Stei nman & Fox
1974). The functional roles that
proceded from these physiological
differences led to a basic value
judgment on the superiority of
FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology
man over woman.
Females traditionally occupy
domestic roles of sexual property,
wife, mother, housekeeper and
cook. The restricted nature of
these roles have held them i'n a
position of ignorance and depen-
dence. Those seen as weak and
powerless wi II often be used and
abused by the powerfu I • "One of
the most bizarre •• conditions im-
posed on women by men was the
legal concept that when two peo-
ple marry, they become one in
the eyes of the Iaw I twas
easy to conclude (because they
were legally one person) that a
husband could not be charged
with beati ng his wife" (Langley &
Levy 1977 35).
Many men today see their home
as their castle in which they are
the king, passing judgment and
imposing penalties for infractions.
They are socialized by society to
cope with stresses and threa ts to
their masculinity by aggression
and violence. Wife beaters are
classed as alchohol ics, psychotics
or simply as bullies. These pro-
files can be explained as learned
response and frustration reaction
by men attempting to maintain a
masculine role which is inflated.
For many victimized wives, their
indecision on whether to take the
cruelty can be explained as a
learned response and frustration
reaction is their attempt to main-
tain a deflated feminine role (Piz-
zey 1974). The woman battering
syndrome is learned through soci-
alization, and both parties are
actually victims. A husband who
beats his wife is usually carrying
out a role model which he learned
from his parents and other adults
and the role is brought into play
when social stresses become intol-
erable (Steinmetz & Straus 1975).
"Family violence as a learned pat-
tern of behavior is modeled on
the father and accepted by the
mother (Langley & Levy 1977 59).
People who saw their own parents
use physical violence are likely
to use it themselves as adults,
whi Ie those who were rarely
struck as children are less likely
to participate in spousal violence
Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 151
(Gelles 1972).
Why do women stay with hus-
bands who beat them? Case stud-
ies offer 7 answers: 1) Poor self
image; 2) bel ief that the husband
wi II reform; 3) economic hardship;
4) children's need for economic
support; 5) doubt tha t they can
survive alone; 6) bel ief that di-
vorce is sti gma ti zed; 7) difficu I ty
for women with children to find
work (Truninger 1971).
In a British survey, among 79
battered wives who left their hus-
bands, these reasons were given
for returning: 1) he pleaded and
promised to reform; 2) he threat-
ened or performed further violence
3) I had nowhere else to go; 4)
the ch i Idren were sti II in the
home; 5) love or pity for the
husband (Gayford 1975).
Fear is probably the common
factor and the most obvious ex-
planation. Paradoxically, it is
the most commonly disregarded
(Martin 1976). Underlying the
thought of leaving is fear "
that he will hunt you down and
bea t you aga in, and perhaps kill
you." Fear distorts reason. The
woman finds herself at the mercy
of a seemingly omnipotent force.
Alternatives vanish in the wake
of all-consuming fear. "Fear is
a n a rousa1state, ( but) the poss i -
bility exists that females show im-
mobilization and other passive be-
havior primari Iy when they are
afraid. A battered woman has
good reason to become i mmobil i zed
in the face of a threa t" ( Maccoby
& Jacklin 1974 167).
A major reason tha t a ba ttered
woman remains with her husband
centers around her attitude rela-
tive to attitudes of her family,
peers, and society. The combina-
tion of these attitudes forms a
cultural habit of violence. The
stronger ~cultural habit, the
more difficult it is to break out,
and the woman sees her violent
world as normal. If she thinks
her I ife does nOt differ. from any-
one's else, she is unlikely to
take steps to change it, even
though she is painful and wretch-
ed. It relates to many questions.
1) Was there spouse abuse in her
FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology
parent's home? 2) Are her friends
and relatives also battered? 3) Is
it expected in her social circle
that men occasionally beat their
wives? 4) Does her husband pre-
sume the ri ght to bea t her? 5)
Does he feel tha t she needs bea t-
ing sometimes? .6) Does the bat-
tered wife presume this? 7) What
do others expect of her? 8) Is
divorce unacceptable, and perse-
verance a virtue? 9) Whatis the
level of marital violence in the
community? 10) What is the wife's
subjective meaning of violence?
11)- Do others living in the house
apply external constraints? (Lang-
ley & Levy 1977).
Econom ic dependence may force
the battered wife to stay (Jacob-
son 1977). She may lack skills
for any work other than mother
and housewife. If she is employed
usually she earns far less than
her husband an average of 41
percent less. This heightens her
fear of crisis awaiting her separa-
tion from her economic support. It
is a vicious circle. The home is
her responsibility, as seen by her
husband and herself. Anything
wrong, from dus t on the window
~o dishes in the sink is her
fault. Instead of telling her that
""t""h'ebathroom bow lis di rty, he
may stick her head in it, warn-
i ng tha t she won't get off so
easily the next time. To the wo-
man herself and some courts of
law, she is getti ng what she
deserves. At the court trial,---rt
remains the battered woman's re-
sponsibility to convince the judge
that she is truly a victim. Since
male police and judges are social-
i zed to see women as housew i ves
and sexu a I ob j ec t s , i tis d iff i cui t
to obtain justice.
"Police ignore the victim's need
for protection and medical assis-
tance. Prosecutors impose extraor-
dinary conditions on a woman com-
plaining of assaults and harrass-
ment by her husband or former
husband. After she passes these
tests of her in ten t to prosecu te,
pleas of minor infractions are ac-
cepted and suspended sentences or
adjournments in contemplation of
dismissal are recommended to the
Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 152
court. Judges impose light or sus-
pended sentences. The injured
wife who persists does not receive
the protection of having her as-
saultive husband jailed. These
fai I ures of the legal system re-
strict the victim's liberty, forcing
her to suffer beating which over
the years increases in frequency
and severity" (Jacobson 1977 5).
Pol ice and court responses such
as these are commonp Iace, and wo-
men caught in th is trap often sur-
render thei r ri ghts to keep from
being beaten to death. The right
to protection from bodi Iy harm is
doubtful between spouses. Family
crisis calls make up a quarter of
all calls to the pol ice, and the
police are reluctant to intervene,
since 22 percent of all police
fa ta lit i es occur in th i s env i ron-
ment (Stei nmetz & Strauss 1972).
The family has been validly call-
ed a people wrecker as regards
beaten women and children (Put-
ney 1972).
The need to make wife beating
an enforceable crime is apparent,
but many women cannot afford the
luxury of waiting for this aware-
ness to permeate society. They
are in danger now, and must de-
pend on other forms of in terven-
tion. "A battered wife shelter in
every city and every county could
help, but it is like putting a
bandaid on a cancer (Pizzey 1974
39). The civil rights movement
has brought the human rights is-
sues to public attention. Violence
against women is one of them.
Women's crisis centers, shelters,
hot lines, support groups, and con-
sciousness raising groups have
been serving many women since
the early 1960's and the rebirth
of the feminist movement. Shel ters
have been established, and many
allow lodging and meals for sev-
eral weeks in order for the woman
and her ch i Idren to have an ap-
prec i ab Ie break from her former
environment with time for serious
thinking and planning for her fu-
ture. At Woman's House in St Pau I
Minnesota, the best known refuge
in the United States today, peer
counseling is the crucial factor.
The strength she sees in others
FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology
like herself allows the battered
woman to see her own power. She
no longer feels isolated knowing
that even if she decides to return
home, there is a bond between
herself and other women (Martin
1976) •
METHOD This study involves data
collected over six months from
calls for help from 86 battered
women to the Young Women's Chris-
tian Association Women's Resource
Center in Oklahoma City. The sub-
jects ranged in age from 17 to
62, with the number of chi Idren
ranging from none to 8, and a
mean of slightly over 2 children.
The ages of the children varied
from newborn to adu It, and 84
percent of the women were unem-
ployed. About 75 percent of the
subjects called from their homes,
and 25 percen t telephoned from
the homes of friends, relatives,
or ne i g h bors • Serv ices mos t of ten
requested were 1) counseling and
support (40%); 2) emergency shel-
ter (38%); and 3) legal advice
(33%). Less frequently requested
services were protection, employ-
ment, medical, food, clothing,
housing, and welfare assistance.
RESULTS About 10 percent of the
battered women were single, and
were bei ng bea ten by thei r boy-
friend; 5 percent were divorced,
and still being beaten by the ex-
husband; and 85 percent were
trapped in a brutal marriage with
very little awareness of avai lable
al ternati ves. Ten ra ther di verse
cases will illustrate the sample.
1) The husband, a bigamist,
broke the door down, beat her
up, and scattered her clothes in
the street. The police did not
help. 2) Her husband beat and
kicked her so violently that she
could hardly wal k, and then beat
the family dog on the table until
it defecated in agony. She merely
wants to pray that God will make
it better. 3) Her husband, a felon
beat and choked her unti I she
blacked out. He beats her often,
and sexually assaulted her daugh-
ter by a previous marriage. 4)
She is aged 24, with 4 small
Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 153
children, and 5 months pregnant,
married to the spouse 8 months.
He is seei ng other women, but
returns home each week, beats
her up again, and leaves. 5) Her
husband has hospital ized her
twice from bea ti ngs, and threa t-
ens to kill her if she seeks to
prosecute or divorce him. She's
terrified. 6) She is 8 months preg-
nant, and afraid her husband wi II
ki II her. 7) Her husband is cruel
and sadistic. He told her that if
she did not take the children and
get out, he would kill her. She
has no marketable skills, and
seems totally lost. 8) She called
from the public library, and is
afraid to go home. Her husband
went on a violent drunk the night
before, and she took the ch i Idren
and ran. 9) The husband drinks
and becomes insanely violent,
throws furniture and recently hit
her with a lamp. The neighbors
called the police. 10) The hus-
band drinks 3 bottles of rum dai-
Iy, and becomes violent. She
fears for herself and her chi Idren
and needs shelter and counseling.
The feelings and problems most
often reported by these women
were: 1) fear for self and chi 1-
dren; 2) confusion and inability
to cope; 3) inadequacy and pass-
iveness; 4) lack of feeling, emp-
ti ness and sadness, and 5) hatred
and anger. There were also feel-
ings of isolation, low self-esteem,
nervousness, suicidal tendencies,
obesity, craziness, drug addiction
loss of memory, and rejection.
They described their husbands as:
1) alcoholic or heavy drinker; 2)
violent temper; 3) unloving and
unfeeling; 4) insecure, immature;
5) macho. Other terms used to
describe them were: workahol ic,
jealous, low self concept, high
strung, promiscuous, and mentally
ill. I nj uri es to the women inc Iud-
ed contusions, broken bones, dis-
lodged teeth, and one woman had
her hair set afire. Types of
abuses most mentioned were beat-
ing with fists, and threats to kill.
CONCLUSIONS The role of alcohol
in the battered woman tragedy is
overwhelming. It figures in the
FREE INQUIRY in Creative Sociology
vast majori ty of cases. Other stud-
ies have estimated alcohol involve-
ment in ,60 percent of the cases,
but this sample suggests more
than 75 percent drinking problems.
E i gthy-fi ve percent of the wo-
men were not employed, 88 percent
were mothers, and 33 percent had
no access to transportation. Virtu-
ally all accepted the tradi tional
role of wife and mother, and
many thought that they must de-
serve to be punished. For those
who had young children in the
home the chi Idren were physically
and otherwise abused along with
the wife-mother. The children, of
course, are even more vulnerable
than the women.
• About 40 percent requested shel-
ter and counsel i ng. A place away
from the danger, and psychologi-
cal and social support were fac-
tors of grea t importance to these
women. About 33 percen t requested
legal advice, and were consider-
ing prosecution and divorce. The
most common emotion was fear.
Many continued to live a life of
terror. These fears centered on
bodily damage inflicted by_ their
tormentors, and threats on their
own and their children's lives.
The husband's threa t to kill had
di re mean i ng for them.
Theorists agree that power is
the issue, and sex role stereo-
types the problem. Men are taught
that to be "masculine" is to be
powerful, in complete control, and
that a man dominates a woman.
Women are taught that to be femin-
ine is to be helpless and depen-
dent, and that a woman submits
to a man. Most had parents who
served as models for such roles,
which supports the intergeneration-
al "cycle of abuse" theory.
Both the battered woman and
her husband appear to have low
self-esteem. A woman beater usual-
ly feels powerless in other areas
of his life. Whether he has a
good job or is out of work, he
sees himself as a failure. Physi-
cal violence is a symptom of
stress and manifests his inability
to cope. His wife is the one per-
son he can dominate and abuse
without fear of reprisal. A woman
Volume 8 No 2 November 1980 154
who endures this abuse soon sees
herself as helpless and inferior.
Both assaulting husband and bat-
tered wife are locked into a game
in which the payoff is violence
infl icted and accepted, as an af-
firmation of their loser position.
The prevalence of this violation
of human rights is an indictment
of the norms and val ues of our
society. The battered women are
beginning to ask important ques-
tions. They want to know that
others bel ieve that violence and
beating is unacceptable. They
want to know how they can be-
come more assertive, and overcome
their passivity. They want to
know if their children 'will be
emotionally damaged. They want
to know if others bel ieve they
can live differently, and have a
better life. They wonder if they
can survive without a man. Their
call for help is a beginning.
REFERENCES
.Brownmiller, S 1975 Against Our
Wi II: Men, Women, & Rape. New
York Simon Schuster
.Engels F 1948 Origin of Family,
Pr i va te Proper t y , & the State.
Moscow Progress
.Fleming J 1979 Stopping Wife Ab-
use. New York Anchor
.Gayford J J 1975 Wife battering:
survey of 100 cases. British Medi-
cal Journal 194
•Gelles R 1972 The Violent Home.
Beverly Hi lis, Cal ifornia Sage
.Jacobson B 1977 The fight to end
wife-beating. Civil Rights Digest 3
.Langley R, R Levy 1977 Wife-Beat-
ing: The Silent Crisis. NY Dutton
• Maccoby E, C Jacklin 1974 The
Psycho logy of Sex Differences.
Stanford U Press
.Martin 0 1976 Battered Wives.
San Francisco Glide
.Pizzey 1974 Violence begins at
home. London Spector 35
.Putney S 1972 The Conquest of
Society. Belmont Cal Wadsworth
.Steinman A, 0 Fox 1974 The Male
Di lemma. New York Aronson
.Steinmetz S, M Strauss 1975 Vio-
lence in the Family NY Dodd. Mead
•Truninger E 1971 Marital vio-
lence: the legal solution. Hastings
Law Journal 23 262


English

Battered women: Some relevant variables

Martin, W Allen

Power & punition: Ambiguity of conflict & labeling theory

Harvey, Patricia Atcheson

FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1 ,2 29
EXPANSIONS & CONTRACnONS: SOCIOLOGICAL LABOR PAINS'
Patricia Atcheson Harvey, Colorado State University
THE SOCIOLOGY MISSION
The of the sociologist as interpre-
ter, intervener and arbitrator among i du-
als, groups, and society ha~ long been at
issue. It was at first presumed that eventually
sociology wo give birth to a unitary, normal
science par m. As Coleman points out,
Comte had a motivation to influe
course of society. "He had a conce f that
know nd the prediction it would al as
leading to' a ientific anism'" (Coleman
1978 His view was conservative and
group-oriented. cial entists were to serve
as a guiding elite providing the b r ra-
tional plan ring about new order from
what he saw as deterioration of existi ial
order. (Bealer 1979:87).
In the ensuing years the concern for
ing guidance within a framework which makes
poss tific humanism" rather than dis-
cerning these as irreconcilable terms has
much plagued the discipline.
SOCIAL UTIONISM
Spencer's evolutionary scheme asserts so-
cial sele n as concommitant with natural
selection. He foresaw human perfection as in-
evit repudiation of state interference
with natural growth of society led hi
pose state aid to the poor who were
should be adter: 41) Private
charity e poor was actuailly fe.r '
ofenha altruism in the sups
rather than providing comfort fo
He saw it as the task of sociolog
course of evolution, not attempt t
course. Andrew Car and
reneurs embraced this happy j
their unimpeded by
lion erence toward great
ness succe eed Spencer's
government regulation have too
resurgence of his ilosophies.
(Timasheff and TheOOorson: 197644).
less en likely to be· currently
mounted Darwinist of
Spencer'a er for improving the race'
through eliminating widows, orphans e
old. (Mlllrtindale: 1981' 167). Their "survivalist
views" were incompatible with the con
social equality.
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 10No 1 May 1982 30
Others progress to their own "advanced" societies,
d comparative historical data in the
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY 31
FREEINQUIRYinCREATIVESC;>CIOLOGY Volume10No1 May1982 32
functional structures servi the legitimation experts may also surface as reve-
id ts. All institutions and legiti-
human products notexternal to in-
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY 12 33
FREE INQUIRY in CREAriVE SOCIOLOGY Volume10No1 May 1982 34
o-sociology" in I. L.
Images: A
Sage.
ucture ofSci·
University of
p 28)


Expansions & contractions: Sociological labor pains

Sharp, Paul M.

Hancock, Barry

Portey, Max

FREEINQUIRY in CREATIVESOCIOLOGY VolumelONo2November1982 147
ACCESS TO TERRITORY AND ETIOLOGY OF PRISON RIOTS
Paul M. Sharp, Oklahoma State University
Barry Hancock, Albany State College, Georgia
Max Portrey, Henderson State University, Arkansas
INTRODUCTION
It is the thesis of this paper that the adage:
space is power, is magnified and intensified in
those institutions and situations where access
to space is severely limited. Before turning to
the major thrust of the argument we must first
briefly define and discuss the concept of ter-
ritoriality. The point must be made that the
focus of the paper is concerned with varying
access to territory of space within prisons
(Goffman, 1962). While territoriality may be
placed within the general substantive area of
proxemic research. Research in this area has
increased tremendously in the past two de-
cades (Ardrey 1966, 1970; Calhoun 1962;
Lorenz 1966; Hall 1959, 1960, 1966, 1974,
1977; Sommer 1959, 1961, 1967, 1969).Som-
mer has distinguished personal space from
territoriality along four major criteria: 1) per-
sonal space is portable whereas territory is re-
latively stationary, 2) the boundaries of per-
sonal space are invisible whereas the bound-
aries of territory are usually marked in some
manner, 3) personal space at its center has the
person's body whereas territory does not, and
4) encroachment into personal space areas
usually leads to withdrawl (Hedizer's flight dis-
tance, 1961) whereas encroachment of terri-
tory usually leads to threats or fights. It must be
noted that territory and territorial behavior are
distinct from, and should not be construed to
be equivalent of, personal space.
Territoriality, refers to the structuring and
control over space deemed necessary for sur-
vival (Lyman and Scott 1971). Ardry provides
the argument that territoriality is a natural
rather than a cultural phenomenon. If territo-
riality is a natural phenomenon, the sub-
sequent structuring, obligl'ition and defense of
territory is a cultured phenomena, as reflected
by the research of Tittle (1968).
It would appear that in those situations
where such behavior and space restrictions
are institutionally pronounced sociologists
could gain tremendous insight into the area,
especially as this form of behavior is notone in
which most persons are cognitively aware in
everyday situations (Portrey, 1980).
Various explanations are offered and dis-
carded for the fluctuations in prison violence.
As the potential for violence appears a con-
stant feature of prison life, the question as to
why violence is sporadic must be raised.
Etiologies of prison violence are offered in
effort to shed light on the form and direction of
prison violence. This is most continually done
with recommendations as to how to thwart
such disturbances before they actually man-
ifest themselves. The major thesis of this
paper is that these periodic episodes of vio-
lence are at least partially produced by subtle
changes in a prison's power structure.
COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR IN TOTAL IN·
STITUTIONS
There are at least two salient structures that
must be addressed in the consideration of the
prison social system: (1) The formal adminis-
trative structure which consists of the warden,
sectional administrative offices, guards and
the custodial staff; (2) the informal inmate so-
cial structure consists of a hierarchical sub-
structure containing key prison guards,
selected inmates and sub-groups within the in-
mate population. The leaders of such an infor-
mal structure maintain their respective posi-
tions by acting as liaison for both the formal
and informal power structures. In return for this
service .these persons are granted special
privileges, rewards and more freedom in terms
of spatial access.
Characteristics which lead to prison riots in-
clude: 1) the total institutional control which
breaks down all elements of the inmate self-
governing sub-structure, 2) the tendency of
the administrative staff to co-mingle several
different types of prisoners, 3) the failure by the
institution to replace elements of inmate self-
governence, and 4) the tendency to treat each
inmate individually (Hartung &Flock 1954). In-
dividual treatment of the inmates by the staff
destroys inmate cohesion and sub-structure
identity. Unaccustomed to these changing
modes of treatment or control by the institu-
tional staff, the leaders of the inmate sub-
structure experience a loss of power, prestiQe,
FREEINQUIRYin CREATIVESOCIOLOGY VolumelONo2November1982 148
FIGURE 1: STRUCTURAL-TERRITORIAL REDIFINITION OF SPATIAL ACCESS
STRUCTURAL SHIFT ..
CONTROL MAINTENANCI: MODEL
(Territorial access defined)
PoliticalStructure and
Prison Administration
Key GuJrds
t
Inmate Leaders
speCifiCfGrOUps
f
General Inmate Population
and freedom. The outcome appears to man-
ifest itself in a reciprocal loss of formal institu-
tional control. It must be noted that power, pre-
stige and freedom, all used as a system of re-
wards for key inmates, are related to spatial
access and control within the inmate sub-
structure.
McCleery (1960) observed that formal re-
structuring of inmate placement and spatial
access effected not only the inmate population
but the custodial staff as well. Both groups
tended to withdraw into their own groupings
and began to conspire against the formal au-
thority. According to Clemmer (1940) riots and
crowd-like behavior involves complex negotia-
tions between and among inmates. Thus, re-
structuring of spatial allocation combined with
the loss of spatial prestige and control gives
impetus to such interactional settings where
such negotiations take place.
As noted, inmate competition for authority
positions which were considered to be secure
emerges concommittant with a breakdown in
the informal hierarchy. This breakdown ap-
pears to be precipitated by the factors men-
tioned above. Further, each instance of re-
structuring of formal control results in efforts by
goups of inmates to redefine, collectively, their
respective positions in the social structure
(Denzin,. 1968). The formal system of spatial
allocation and control becomes problematic.
The inmate social system as maintained
through such rewards is necessarily affected
by a restructuring. The formal authority is nul-
RIOT PROPENSITY MODEL
(Territorial access redefined)
PoliticalStructureand
Prieon Administration
I
Key Guards
~
InmatestLeaders
sPecifi1Groups
General Inmate Population
Iified in these situations where specialized in-
mate power groups seek to manifest that
power in terms of the prerogative to define
spatial access and control. Following such a
power default on the part of the total institution
resulting in power manifestations by inmates,
stability can only be understood after the in-
mate power groups and the administration ac-
quiesce to the new power structure.
THE MODEL
The administration and their words are at
odds in the ideal-type legal structure defined at
the formal rational level. However, at the oper-
ational rational level the administration and
key inmates must co-operate in an intense
manner to maintain a stable system. Encom-
passed within the practical rational level is the
ongoing interactions among and between
these two groups. It is at this level where the
power default can occur through the disruption
of interaction channels. The model shown in
Figure 1 indicates that order can only be per-
petuated through the efforts of inmate popula-
tion representatives. This thesis has been pre-
sented by Mattick (1979) and Wilds (1973).
Carrying the model to the logical conclusion of
prison riots, the manifestation of inmate power\
groups, we note that extraneous political influ-
ences demand changes in formal administra-
tive policy. As discussed such changes pre-
cipitate violent power struggles within the in-
stitution. Negotiated aspects of access to spa-
FREEINQUIRYin CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY
tial areas become problematic as guards and
inmates must re-establish interaction patterns
and re-negotiate spatial access. Violence
often errupts at this stage due to the severely
limited spatial areas available. The competi-
tion for such areas is fierce perhaps because
the stakes are so small.
A power default occurs as the limited reward
system becomes problematic. Prior to any
power default, the administration maintains
power through a network of informal agree-
ments with key inmate groups and representa-
tives which specifically delineated spatial ac-
cess and control. As spatial access becomes
ambiguous, a power struggle is necessarily
produced. This struggle need not be between
the administration and the inmates. It may be
manifested between those inmates who have
been denied spatial access and spatial control
and those currently ensconced in those posi-
tions. Goffman's (1961) treatment of total in-
stitutions suggests that status and a sense of
self are difficult to maintain. Any attempt by the
administration to redefine any status within the
inmate sub-structure is a challenge to the so-
cial structure but also to each inmate's precari-
ous concept of self.
CONCLUSION
We have sought to present spatial and ter-
ritorial relations as a key element in collective
riot behavior. The conclusion appears viable
considering the network of formal and informal
sub-structures and interaction characteristic of
total institutions. It is in these institutions that
the research of Calhoun (1962) seems particu-
larly applicable. The analysis of spatial struc-
turing and re-structuring would prove to be an
enlightening area of investigation for institu-
tional research.
REFERENCES
Ardrey, R., 1966. Territorial Imperative. New
York: Athenum Press.
Ardrey, R., 1970. The Social Contract. New
York: Athenum Press.
Calhoun, J., 1962. "Population Density and
Social Pathology," Scientific American 206:
139-148.
Clemmer, D., 1940. Prison Community.
New York. Holt, p. 148.
VolumelONo2November1982 149
Denzin, NK, 1968. Collective Behavior in
Total Institutions: The case of the Mental Hos-
pital and the Prison, Social Problems, 15:3 pp.
535-65.
Goffman, E., 1962. Asylums. New York:
Doubleday.
Hall, E.T., 1960. "Language of Space,"
Landscape 10: 41-44.
Hall, ET., 1966. The Hidden Dimension.
New York: Doubleday.
Hall, E.T., 1974. Handbook for Proxemic
Research.
Hall, E.T., 1977. Beyond Culture. New York:
Doubleday.
Hartung, F.E. and M. Floch, 1954. A Social-
Psychological Analysis of Prison Riots, in
Turner and Killian, Collective Behavior, pp. 24-
28.
Hedizer, H., 1961. "The Evolution of Territo-
rial Behavior," pp. 34-36, in S.L. Washburn
(ed.). New York: Viking Fund Publications in
Anthropology.
Little, K.B., 1968. "Cultural Variations of So-
cial Schema," J of Personality and Social
Psych, 90: 1-9.
Lyman, S., and M. Scott, 1971. "Territorial-
ity: A Neglected Sociological Dimension," pp.
51-57 in D. Daves and K. Herman (eds.) Social
Space: Canadian Perspectives: Toronto: New
Press.
Mattick, H. w., 1979. "Prosaic Sources of
Prison Violence," Chicago: World Correctional
Service.
McCleery, 1960. Theoretical Studies in So-
cial Organization of the Prison, New York: So-
cial Science Research Council, 1960.
Portrey, M., 1980. "Personal Space Re-
search," Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 7
(2): 188-194.
Sommer, R., 1959. "Studies in Personal
Space," Sociometry 22: 247-260.
Sommer, R., 1961. "Leadership and Group
Geography," Sociometry 24: 99-110.
Sommer, R., 1967. "Small Group Ecology,"
Psychological Bltn 67: 145-152.
Sommer, R., 1969. Personal Space: The
Behavioral Bias of Design. New Jersey: Pre-
ntice-Hail, Inc.
Wilds, C.E. 1973. "Evaluation of a Method of
Predicting Violence in Offenders," Criminol-
ogy, Vol. II NO.3.


Access to territory and etiology of prison riots

Downing, Leo C.

Bynum, Jack E.

Substantiated reports of child abuse and neglect

Rans, Laurel

Fowler, Lorraine T

Classification as a key to develop correction policy

Peck, Dennis L.

Suicide & youth: Official assessment of equivocal death

Unkovic, Charles M.

Schell, Linda M.

FREE INQUIRYin CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume11,N01,May1983 65
SEEKING THE ALCOHOLIC PERSONALITY: ROAD TO NOWHERE
Charles M. Unkovic and Linda M. Schell
University of Central Florida
ALCOHOLISM TYPES
Researchers, therapists, and alcoholics, are
interested in the question "Is there an alcoholic
personality?" To discover a single personality
type could lead to the cure or prevention of al-
coholism. The results of research into this
question have been consistent that there are
many factors to consider besides the possible
existence of a single personality type. The
word alcoholism is used synonymously with
"problem drinking," "alcohol abuse", and "al-
cohol misuse." The meaning varies from the
instance of a child who has a friend whose
father drinks to that of a person who has en-
dangered his or her life with alcohol, but the
definition most commonly used is drinking
which negatively affects a person's physical,
social, and economic well-being.
The drinking behavior of alcoholics varies
from person to person. There is the alcoholic
who drinks a half-pint each day, and the one
who drinks a quart or more each day. Some al-
coholics drink every day while some go on
periodic binges every few months. Some will
frequent a favorite bar to do their drinking while
others will drink alone at home.
Jellinek (1968) recognized this variation in
drinkers when he devised his classifications of
alcoholism. He describes Alpha alcoholism as
a psychological dependency to relieve emo-
tional or physical pain. This type of drinking is
uncontrolled in the sense that it causes prob-
lems in the family or in some instances at work,
but it does not exhibit any of the physical
symptoms of withdrawl or of progression. This
type of alcoholism may develop into Gamma
alcoholism or it may continue as problem
drinking for several decades.
Betal alcoholism Jellinek describes as the
type where physical degeneration exists with-
out psychological or physical addiction. This
type of drinking is usually associated with nu-
tritional deficiency disease. It maydevelop into
Gamma or Delta alcoholism, but Jellinek says
that this is less likely than in the instance of
Alpha alcoholism.
Gamma alcoholism has been called "Ameri-
can alcoholism" since it is prevalent through-
out the United States. This type of drinking
exhibits a progressive change from psycholo-
gical to physical dependency. There is a loss
of control which affects the physical, mental, fi-
nancial, and social health of the individual.
Delta alcoholism is similar to Gamma al-
coholism except that the individual is unable to
abstain from alcohol without withdrawal
symptoms, yet he is able to retain control over
the intake of alcohol.
Alcoholics are found among the educated
and the illiterate; the rich and the poor: the
Christian and the Jew; and among the men,
women, and children. Studies have indicated
that the percentage of problem drinkers is
highest among those with the least and the
most education. While there are both more
abstainers and heavy drinkers in the lower
socioeconomic levels, it has been found that
the moderate and heavy drinking increases
with social class. The Anglo-Saxon Protestant
group in the United States has a high inci-
dence of alcoholism, attributed to the lack of
well formed rules and customs for alcohol
usage. Groups that have firmly established
rules and customs surrounding the use of al-
cohol have a very low percentage who are al-
coholic, such as the Jews who, in a California
study, were found to be only 0.6% of the al-
coholic population (Norback, 1979). Of the
country's total popUlation, 9.6% are estimated
to be alcoholic; 88% of these are White, 12%
are non-white. While it is estimated that 72.9%
of the alcoholic population is male and 27.1 %
is female, current trends indicate that this dif-
ference is now decreasing as the number of
women alcoholics increases (Marden, 1981).
Of the youthful population, approximately 19%
are problem drinkers; of these 62% are male.
The difference between the number of boys
and girls who are problem drinkers is also de-
creasing.
THE CONVENTIONAL ALCOHOLIC
While many people think of the skid row
drunk as being the typical example, less than
5% of all alcoholics are found there. In fact,
70% of alcoholics hold down a job success-
fully, are married and have families, and are
respected members of their communities.
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY
When one looks at a membership profile of Al-
coholics Anonymous, a large self-help pro·
gram for alcoholics, it is seen that practically all
occupations are represented. In their booklet
"Profile of an AA Meeting" men are repre-
sented from the executive, professional, and
technical occupations (30%); crafts (20%);
sales (20%); service and semi-skilled laborers
(20%); and other occupations (10%). Women
are represented from homemakers (40%);
sales and clerical (20%); executive, profes-
sional, and technical (20%); service and semi-
skilled (10%); and other occupations (10%).
(Alcoholic Anonoymous, 1972).
There are many examples of famous people
who have admitted publically to being al-
coholic. Edwin "Buzz" Aldrin, one of the as-
tronauts who went to the moon, tells of his
being an alcoholic prior to'his Apollo flight. He
quit drinking only two days before his famous
flight only to resume drinking after his return.
Dick Van Dyke, the television star, drank for re-
laxation until his early forties when he lost con-
troL Robert Young, drank heavily for over thirty
years to escape insecurity. Wilbur Mills, an inf-
luential congressman from Arkansas, thought
that he was dying of a brain tumor, only to dis-
cover that he was trying to kill himself by drink-
ing, while former first lady Betty Ford acknowl-
edged publicly that she had developed an al-
cohol and drug problem.
Many cultural influences in the United
States advocate the consumption of alcohol. It
is acceptable and customary for one to offer a
vistor to his home a drink. This practice is sup-
ported by television commercials and stereo-
typical characters in television programs.
Sports events are usually associated with al-
cohol consumption. Dining out is facilitated
with before, during, and after dinner drinks
being offered. Advertisements for alcoholic
beverages appear throughout magazines and
they seem to say that to "fit in," or to "get
along," you need alcohol. In other words, al-
cohol is culturally induced into your per-
sonalities.
A child who is brought up in the absence of
one of the parents, or who has been neglected
by one or both of the parents, may develop
feelings of rejection and repressed depen-
dency needs. He or she may compensate by
extreme independence and the social isolation
that it brings. The result is the creation of an
Volume11, No1,May1983 66
emotional environment that is condusive to
drinking in order to relieve loneliness. Unfortu-
nately, the alcohol consumption in itself leads
to further isolation which sustains the cycle.
This begins the psychological andphysical de-
pendence upon alcohol and alcoholism.
THE CASE OF GEORGE
George is a thirty-seven year old alcoholic.
During George's early childhood his father
was in the Navy, and when his father returned
from overseas duty, he resumed his occupa-
tion as a brewer. George's father then worked
long hours and much of the time he worked the
evening shift. He seldom was home when
George was there. George's mother had emo-
tional problems which lead to several suicide
attempts. George has many recollections of
his mother having to recuperate and be taken
care of by George and his brother. Both of
George's parents are alcoholics.
When George reached high school, he at-
tended school in the summer--for something to
do. He graduated from high school younger
than his classmates, and he went directly to
college. It was in college that George began to
drink heavily. He would go to a bar and do his
homework there every night. He felt that his
drinking helped him to be creative, but his
grades were so poor that he was almost expel-
led from college.
After graduation from college George mar-
ried, and three years later he went to work in
Washington, D.C. in a position of responsiblity.
Under the daily stress of his job, George's rep-
ressed feelings of rejection and dependence
emerged. Since he could not admit these feel-
ings to himself, he drank more heavily, with-
drew into himself, and became more im-
mersed in his work.
As his children began to mature, additional
stresses were put upon him; stresses to give
and receive affection. But George had been
isolating himself from his family with his drink-
ing. His family felt rejected by him, and soon
George felt rejected by his family. The inevita-
ble cycle had begun. After nine years of mar-
riage, George was divorced by his wife and his
children were taken back to New York. With
further isolation, George's drinking worsened.
Today George lives alone. He remarried for a
brief period, but the cycle of rejection and iso-
lation ended in another divorce.
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY
PARENTAL MODES
Having one or both parents who are al-
coholic has a high correlation to development
of a personality prone to alcoholism. It has
been estimated that the child of an alcoholic
has a 20 percent greater chance of becoming
an alcoholic than does the child of non-al-
coholic parents (Glennon, 1981). As the al-
coholic parent withdraws into and isolation
from the family, the children are deprived of the
love and affection of that parent, and the non-
alcoholic parent tries ineffectively to cope with
the situation. In George's case, his father with-
drew and his mother attempted suicide.
The role models these children are pre-
sented are in sharp contrast to those models
vital to integrated personality formation and
the ability to adapt to crises. This lack of role
models, along with the resultant lack of intra-
personal and interpersonal, judgmental, and
system skills, are characteristic of the person-
alitypronetoalcoholism (Pletarsky, 1981). Be-
cause these children are ill prepared for adult
life and its stresses, they may turn to alcohol to
ease their pain, or because of their alcoholic
models, they may think that alcohol will enable
them to handle the stresses more effectively.
THE CASE OF JOAN
Joan is a fifty year old alcoholic who found
that for lack of skills she was ill prepared for
adult life. Both parents were alcoholics and al-
though she was provided with every material
thing that she could desire, the necessary love
and affection was missing from her childhood.
During grammer school she became ill and
was not disciplined, but instead was kept shel-
tered.
By the time Joan began college she was
drinking, and by the end of her freshman year
she was partying and drinking heavily. Joan's
magic solution to her problems was to find a
husband and get married. She found an eligi-
ble Navy man and got him to propose. But
soon after her engagement she met Bill and
they fell in love at first sight. To Joan, Bill was
everything. But rather than break her engage-
ment, since marriage was going to solve all her
problems, Joan went forward with her plans for
her "perfect" marriage. She couldn't leave the
security of a marriage. Unable to cope with
these problems, she tried to ease the pain and
handle the stresses through alcohol, just as
her parents had done. Joan drank and had af-
Volume11,N01,May1983 67
fairs, only to lose her lover at the time that her
divorce from her husband was final. She be-
came immersed in alcohol. She married four
more times, each marriage ending in divorce.
By this time her drinking was very heavy--
since she anesthetized with alcohol.
Today Joan has been a member of AA for
ten years, living alone and not drinking.
PERSONALITY FACTORS
One of the most prevalent characteristics
that is common among many alcoholics is the
dependent personality. This dependency
need appears throughout the alcoholics
studied and was found overwhelmingly in the
literature.
Other characteristics that were found to be
common among alcoholics are perfectionism
(the inability to effectively cope with an imper-
fect world), usually stemming from a sense of
inferiority and insecurity. Many times this per-
fectionism is accompanied by aggression.
Many women who suffer from alcoholism drink
to hide their feelings of aggression; feelings
that are not considered appropriate for
women. Lastly, many alcoholics are found to
be depressed and are usually anxious and
tense individuals.
There are many different types of al-
coholism, many different drinking behaviors,
and many different influences upon the forma-
tion of the personality. There is no one decid-
ing factor that will cause a person to become
an alcoholic, nor one common personality
type. Rather than searching for the alcoholic
personality, a road leading nowhere, it would
be better to find the way that alcoholism be-
comes a life style.
REFERENCES
Alcoholics Anoymous World Services,
1972. Profile ofan AA Meeting. New York.
Glennon, Danniel C., 1981. Interview. Al-
tamonte Springs, Florida.
Jellinek, EM., 1968. The Disease Concept
of Alcoholism. New Brunswick, NJ College
and University Press.
Merden, Parker, 1981. "Procedure for Es-
timating Potential Clientele of Alcoholism Ser-
vice Programs." 1981-1982Annuallmplemen-
tation Plan. Orlando, Florida.
Concluded on Page 72
FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY
the position of attempting to negotiate the
strength of the labeling effect.
While disclaimers are usually viewed as a
means of gaining audience acceptance prior
to the commitment of a social act which would
normally generate a negative response from
the viewing audience, disclaimers were also
employed by the respondents in a unique
manner inasmuch as they were 'utilized after
the fact in an attempt to relieve the severity of
the reaction. Persons stigmatized in this man-
ner seemed to accept that their identity would
be spoiled, and the argument was not that the
spoilage was unjustified. The spoilage was ac-
cepted by the person, even to the extent that
they had conceptualized themselves as
spoiled prior to the offering of the stigmatized
attribute to a viewing audience. Disclaimers
were utilized in an attempt to salvage part of a
social identity. For example, while all respon-
dents expressed some devaluation of self, all
respondents explained in great depth the
amount of time and trouble they went through
in order to notify all possible sexual contacts
they may have infected.
This guy I though I might have
given it to was married so I
couldn't call him at home or at his
work. So I sent him a special deliv-
ery letter that he had to sign for. I
made sure he knew so he could
take care of it. I'm not really so rot-
ten. I do clean up after myself.
Thus, for· the responderits, techniques of
normalization did not include a concentration
on the continuance of a whole, undamaged so-
cial self, but rather for the retention of a part of
the social identity which was considered ac-
ceptable, those qualities of honesty and re-
sponsibility expressing a redeemable part.
CONCLUSION
Several basic questions remain un-
answered. In a society which is increasingly
advocating freedom in human sexuality, par-
ticularly with regard to the meanings attached
to sexual intercourse, why has this implied
liberalism not been incorporated into all as-
pects of human sexuality? People today may
more easily engage in casual sex as recre-
ation without accompanying stigmatization but
Volume11,No1,May1983 72
the moment the presence of venereal disease
is established in a relationship, taboos dating
from centuries back come into play and the
meaning of the sexual encounter is changed
for the participants. The sauve, liberated sex-
ual swinger suddenly becomes an inept social
deviant and the expressive act of intercourse
becomes no longer a sexual communication
between two people but rather a vehicle for de-
gradation.
Health personnel are acutely aware of this
dichotomous perspective. The Public Health
Department has gone to great measures to
convince the public that "V.D. is for Everyone"
but despite the attitude that sex may be for ev-
eryone, venereal disease still remains an as-
pect of human sexuality which applied only to
others.
REERENCES
Davis, Fred. 1961, "Deviance Diswavowal:
Management of Strained Interaction by the
Visibly Handicapped." Social Problems 9: 120-
132.
Department of Public Health. 1961, Ven-
ereal Disease. New York: Medcom Learning
Systems.
Garfinkel, Harold. 1956, "Conditions of Suc-
cessful Degradation Ceremonies." Amer Jo of
Socio. 61 : 420-424.
Hewitt, J.P., and Randal Stokes 1975, "Dis-
claimer." Amer Socio Rev 40 Feb. 1-11.
Sykes, Gresham and David Matza. 1957.
"Techniques of Neutralization." Amer. Socio.
Rev. 22: 664-67).
Warren, Carol and Stephen Phillips. 1976.
"Stigma Negotiation." Urban Life 5: 53-74.
UNKOVIC, SCHELL From Page 67
Norback, Judith, 1979. The Alcohol & Drug
Abuse Yearbook. New York Van Nostrand.
Pleterski, Mary, 1981. Interview. New
Smyrna Beach, Florida.
Wechsler, Henry, Mary McFadden, 1976.
"Sex differences in a adolescent alcohol and
drug use: A disappearing pOhElnOmenon." J
Studies on Alcoholism. 1300 Sept.


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