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Fragile Democracy in times of the Pandemic in Myanamr: Democracy, Political Attitudes, and Political Behaviors
Get PDFInternational University of Japan博士（公共経営学）/ PhD in Public Management2024thesi
Revisiting Educational Kuznets Curve: An Analysis of Educational Inequality based on Absolute and Relative Inequality Measures
Get PDFThis paper shows that even if educational inequality is measured by the Gini coefficient, we could produce an educational Kuznets curve under certain conditions. Using the Barro and Lee data set, it examines the evolution of the education Gini coefficient under different sets of conditions. The paper presents an educational Kuznets curve when the proportion of those with no formal education is very small or when they receive informal education equivalent to a small amount of formal education.departmental bulletin pape
Why Has Inequality in the Philippines Declined? A Two-stage Hierarchical Inequality Decomposition Analysis by Location and Education
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Education and Expenditure Inequality in Indonesia and the Philippines: A Comparative Analysis in an Urban and Rural Dual Framework
Get PDFUsing nation-wide household surveys, this study investigates the roles of education in expenditure inequality in two archipelagic Asian countries: Indonesia and the Philippines. Since disparity between urban and rural areas is one of the main determinants of expenditure inequality and there is a large difference in educational endowments between urban and rural areas, an analysis is conducted in an urban-rural framework. Both countries achieved a notable reduction in expenditure inequality in the 2010s. In Indonesia, the reductions of disparity between education groups and tertiary education group’s within-group inequality in urban areas were the main contributors to the reduction of overall expenditure inequality. In the Philippines, the reductions of expenditure disparities between urban and rural areas and between education groups were the main contributors to the reduction of overall expenditure inequality. In 2018, Indonesia and the Philippines had the same level of expenditure inequality. But, as compared to developed countries, their expenditure inequalities are still very high. In Indonesia, expenditure inequality among those with secondary education is the major determinant of overall expenditure inequality. Thus, reducing secondary group’s within-group inequality is necessary. At the same time, tertiary group’s within-group inequality should be decreased in urban areas. In the Philippines, expenditure inequality among those with tertiary education is the major determinant of overall expenditure inequality. Thus, reducing tertiary group’s within-group inequality is imperative. At the same time, disparity between education groups should be decreased in both urban and rural areas.departmental bulletin pape
International Technology Transfer in Emerging Markets: A Case of Nepal
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The Pitfalls of the Certificate-Based User Authentication Scheme on Korean Public Websites: Implications for Cross-Platform and Cross-Browser Compatibility and End-User Computing
Get PDFThe Korean government has employed a certificate-based user authentication scheme powered by Microsoft Internet Explorer and ActiveX plug-ins for the past two decades. Users must obtain accredited digital certificates, install all required plug-ins on their machines, and undergo all user authentication procedures. Public websites lack cross-platform and crossbrowser compatibility and discriminate against those who do not use Windows and Internet Explorer. Most stakeholders mistakenly take a series of authentication procedures for granted and endure an inconvenient, burdensome, vulnerable, and fallible user authentication scheme. Given limited awareness of web accessibility and cybersecurity, they unwittingly make electronic copies of security code cards, store accredited digital certificates on a hard disk or flash drive, and mechanically click “Yes” or “OK” whenever a dialog box pops up. This monolithic end-user computing environment, despite its crucial pitfalls, contributed to the early diffusion of online public information and services; indeed, it was a double-edged sword. Although most ActiveX or non-ActiveX plug-ins were removed from public websites by 2021, the troublesome certificate-based authentication scheme remained almost unchanged for a long time (1999-2020). This case study illustrates the influences of the weird user authentication scheme on web accessibility and end-user computing and the importance of international technology standards.departmental bulletin pape
Cultural Configurations for International Innovativeness: A review and theoretical proposal
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The Initial Impacts of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Regional Economies and Income Inequality in Indonesia: A Bi-dimensional Inequality Decomposition Analysis
Get PDFThe COVID-19 pandemic has exerted an enormous impact on the Indonesian economy. In 2020, the country contracted by 2.7%. But, the impact has been spatially heterogeneous. Based on provincial GDP by industrial sectors, this study examines how structural changes caused by the pandemic have affected the determinants of inter-provincial inequality in Indonesia by conducting a bi-dimensional inequality decomposition analysis. It also investigates how the pandemic has affected provincial economies by performing a panel data regression analysis. According to the regression analysis, the pandemic appears to have affected the convergence speed of provincial economies. Provinces with larger GDP shares of the tourism sector were affected more severely by the pandemic. Meanwhile, the impact of the financial sector on provincial growth was not affected. According to the decomposition analysis, after the outbreak of the COVID-19, the tourism sector reduced its contribution to inter-provincial inequality. On the other hand, the IC and financial services sectors were not affected by the pandemic and raised their contributions. When Indonesia will recover from the pandemic, it is likely that the tourism sector will regain its position as an important determinant of inter-provincial inequality. However, the most important sectors in determining inter-provincial inequality will be IC, financial and business services sectors, particularly in the Java-Bali region. With the rapid advancement of IC, financial and e-business technologies, the roles of these high-inequality sectors are likely to increase unless policies that could facilitate spatial dispersion of these services activities are implemented.departmental bulletin pape
THE IMPACT OF TRANSNATIONAL-INTERNATIONAL ADVOCACY ON ISRAELI SETTLEMENT POLICY IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES: AN ANALYSIS OF SHEIKH JARRAH NEIGHBORHOOD AND THE BOOMERANG-SPIRAL MODEL
Get PDFInternational University of Japan博士（国際関係学）/ Ph.D. in International Relations2023This dissertation investigates the efficacy of international advocacy in driving
domestic policy changes. Drawing on the works of Risse et al. and Keck and Sikkink,
the study employs the boomerang-spiral model of transnational-international advocacy,
which posits a five-stage framework that enables advocacy networks to achieve the
desired policy change. The case study for this dissertation is the Israeli settlement
policy in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which challenges the boomerang-spiral
model. The expected policy change was not realized, despite fulfilling the conditions
for transitioning through the model’s phases. Therefore, the research identifies the
factors that hinder the progress through the model’s phases to achieve the desired
outcome. The study employs a single case study method following the theory-testing
approach utilizing multiple data sources and mixed analysis methods, including
quantitative and qualitative techniques. The study’s findings reveal that while the
advocacy network achieved success by halting specific settlements, a permanent
solution was not guaranteed. The Israeli lobby, which supports the settlement policy,
and the American foreign policy approach, which balances promoting international
norms with regional interests, contributed to this outcome. These findings contribute
to our understanding of the constraints of international advocacy in promoting
domestic policy change, particularly in cases where powerful interest groups are involvedthesi
EXTERNAL LEVERAGE, LINKAGE, AND POLITICAL TRANSITION IN MYANMAR
Get PDFInternational University of Japan博士（国際関係学）/ Ph.D. in International Relations2023China’s influence over and the West’s pressure on Myanmar have existed since 1988.
The former emanated from the Myanmar’s overdependence on it, whereas the latter
began with punitive actions intended to encourage Myanmar’s democratisation.
However, the SLORC/SPDC regime engendered ‘transition towards a somewhat
democracy’ in 2011, while maintaining strong links to China, but had low levels of
these with the West. In addition, the constitutionally-elected government (2011–2016)
also facilitated remarkable political reforms and transferred power to a pro-democracy
civilian government following the 2016 general election. Accordingly, it is worth
examining why political transition materialised in Myanmar, despite low links to the
West and close ties to a powerful authoritarian neighbour (PAN) or Black Knight (BK).
The current study employed a qualitative research design by using the single casestudy method based on different timeframes (1988–2011, 2011–2016, and 2016–
onwards). The study conducted an in-depth analysis on qualitative and quantitative
data from primary and secondary sources. Certain qualitative data were collected
through face-to-face interviews while using survey data from five distinctive
quantitative works.
The study argues that, despite low links to the West and close ties to a PAN/BK,
a somewhat democratic transition can materialise, as the ruling regime engendered the
transition in an attempt to lessen the country’s overdependence on the latter.
Specifically, the SLORC/SPDC adjusted its policy from overdependence to
interdependence. Accordingly, the country’s domestic factors also became favourable
iv
to pursuing this policy. Despite its high organisational capacity, the SLORC/SPDC
became concerned about state and regime insecurity as long as it solely depended on
China. Since the SLORC/SPDC’s successor, the USDP, possessed medium
organisational capacity and low regime uncertainty, it engendered unprecedented
political reform, but was unable to retain its power. Accordingly, people’s attitudes
towards and perception of the political system became a prominent implication. The
pro-democracy party, the NLD, conducted a reversal of its policy preferences to
ameliorate its regime uncertainty due to its low organisational capacity. In sum, this
study not only academically investigates the political transition from the perspectives
of existing theories and concepts, but also contributes to an existing conceptual
framework.
Keywords: Democracy, democratisation, political transition, political culture, linkage,
leverage, organisational capacity.thesi