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Vidas aceleradas. Efectos sociales y políticos de la aceleración de la vida en condiciones neoliberales
No full textIn this article we draw from the understanding of neoliberalism as a principle of political rationality (M. Foucault) the analysis of social acceleration (H. Rosa) as one of the fundamental dimensions in which the type of neoliberal rationality governs our behaviors. Finally, we will point out some of the social and political effects produced by social acceleration under neoliberal conditions, such as stress, anxiety or depression. Besides, we will argue that these disorders must be treated from a social, and not an individual, perspective (Bifo Berardi, M. Fisher), and in the same way they can be reduced through the construction of more egalitarian societies (K. Pickett and R. Wilkinson). En este artículo partimos de la comprensión del neoliberalismo como principio de racionalidad política (M. Foucault) para analizar, a continuación, la aceleración social (H. Rosa) como una las dimensiones fundamentales en las que el tipo de racionalidad neoliberal gobierna nuestras conductas. Finalmente, señalaremos algunos de los efectos sociales y políticos producidos por la aceleración social en condiciones neoliberales como el estrés, la ansiedad o la depresión; defenderemos que estos trastornos han de ser tratados desde una perspectiva social, y no individual (Bifo Berardi, M. Fisher), y que pueden reducirse por medio de la construcción de sociedades más igualitarias (K. Pickett y R. Wilkinson)
La libertad en Babel
No full textThere are many reasons to associate the contemporary crisis with the metaphorical situation referred to by the name Babel, including its apocalyptic connotations. And there are equally valid reasons to inquire about the direction that the idea of freedom has been taking. However, regarding both Babel and freedom, there are multiple interpretations. The article proposes an initial hermeneutical framework on the complexity of facets of the Babel metaphor and a reformulation of the concept of freedom in that context, inspired by the three-dimensional vision originally suggested by Hegel.Hay razones de más para asociar la crisis contemporánea a la situación metafórica a la que alude el nombre de Babel, incluyendo sus connotaciones apocalípticas. Y las hay igualmente para preguntarse por el rumbo que ha ido tomando la idea de libertad. Pero sobre ambas, Babel y la libertad, hay múltiples lecturas. El artículo propone un marco hermenéutico inicial sobre la complejidad de facetas de la metáfora de Babel y una reformulación del concepto de libertad en dicho contexto, inspirada en la visión tridimensional sugerida originariamente por Hegel
Reseña de ¨ La Desigualdad en España¨ de Berna León, Javier Carbonell y Javier Soria (eds.)
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Reseña de ¨ Decrecimiento: del qué al cómo. Propuestas para el Estado español¨ de Adrián Almazán Gómez y Luis González Reyes
No full textEl conflicto de Nagorno-Karabaj y el futuro de Eurasia: perspectivas desde Armenia
No full textEurasia is a complex term used to define a particular geographical region, with diverse definitions and encompassing elements from ideological, cultural, and geopolitical perspectives. Russia, as a prominent actor, wields its influence in the region through political and economic mechanisms, exemplified by its involvement in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Concurrently, other regional powers, including China, Turkey, and Iran, also play pivotal roles. China, despite not explicitly taking a stance in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, demonstrates a keen interest and actively employs soft power strategies to enhance its presence in the region.
The frozen conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is pivotal for an understanding of Eurasia\u27s power shifts, and the impact on Armenia\u27s economy, politics, and territory. Armenia, strategically located between Europe and Asia, navigates a complex geopolitical landscape, influenced by historical struggles and contemporary power dynamics. Despite challenges, Armenia remains a key player in the global context, where nations vie for influence through economic and military alliances.
The study adopts an exploratory and deductive case study approach, utilizing theories of multilateralism and power in International Relations. Through a qualitative comprehensive review of academic texts and international reports, the methodology provides insights into Armenia\u27s historical conflicts and its role in the Eurasian region. As Armenia continues to navigate its geopolitical position, the study offers a nuanced understanding of the intricate relationships shaping the dynamics of this strategically vital region.
In the first section, the study delves into the historical context and the current state of Armenia through the lenses of Eurasianism, multilateralism, multipolarism, and regionalism. By dissecting the geopolitics of the region and examining pivotal historical events, it becomes possible to analyze the unfolding power dynamics in Eurasia, shaped by the management of natural resources and the implementation of foreign policies that simultaneously diverge and converge.
Armenia, despite experiencing a notable decline in regional influence over the years, continues to play an important role in the complex dynamics of Eurasia. This significance is particularly evident when examining the multifaceted aspects of multilateralism and power struggles within the region. Therefore, this article seeks to delve into the crisis of multilateralism in Eurasia through an in-depth analysis of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Beyond potential geopolitical shifts, this conflict holds the capacity to ignite fresh antagonisms, such as limited-scale interventions by Western powers or the amplification of influence for actors like Azerbaijan, sustained by support from Turkey. Simultaneously, historical tensions and rivalries could resurface, potentially undermining institutional processes in the region.
Armenia has explored alternative pathways for diverse political and economic alliances. Nevertheless, the implications of forging new partnerships cannot be underestimated. The historical political closeness to Russia, prompted by security apprehensions linked to relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan, has impeded Armenia\u27s economic and political advancement, constraining its involvement with nations beyond the Eurasian sphere and the influence of Russia.
The second section scrutinizes the key facets of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the repercussions of the September 2023 events on the governance of the Euroasian region. The conflict\u27s resolution has instigated shifts in regional dynamics, and its enduring effects persist in the relationships among neighboring countries.
The alliances formed around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, favoring Azerbaijan\u27s military and strategic superiority, underscore Armenia\u27s limited capabilities in establishing a robust defense. Turkey\u27s support for Azerbaijan reveals that the conflict has transcended its original dimensions, ushering in new military realities. Additionally, Russia\u27s commercial ties with Azerbaijan add complexity to Armenia\u27s predicament and the overall Russian support dynamic. Hence, Armenia finds itself in a landscape of intricate dynamics, illustrating the emergence of new powers and strategies among states seeking to maintain influence in the region.
Divergences between Moscow and Yerevan have extended to questioning multilateral instruments on Eurasian security. Moscow\u27s refusal to activate Article 4 of the CSTO, which relates to collective defense, introduces multiple layers of uncertainty for Armenia and other Eurasian countries regarding Russia\u27s role as a guarantor of regional security. The primary effects are not only evident in the weakening of commitments to the organization, but also in post-Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; that is, new scenarios of regional insecurity emerge, casting doubt on the current multilateralism\u27s capacity to tackle security threats to participating countries in regional institutional efforts.
The rise of regional powers like China, Turkey, and Iran deepens the uncertainties surrounding Russia\u27s role. The outcomes of Nagorno-Karabakh reflect, from Armenia\u27s standpoint, a hesitancy in commitments to the Eurasian project and a weakening of the belief in Russia\u27s leadership. Statements from Armenian authorities regarding the presence of Russian troops, regional projects, or the country\u27s refusal to participate in the CSTO military exercises reinforce the notion of a multilateralism and multipolarism crisis. Azerbaijan\u27s territorial victory, supported by Turkey, highlights the emergence of new power centers with significant capabilities to influence geopolitical and commercial dynamics in the region.
In the long run, Armenia\u27s dependence on Russia and other Eurasian countries seems difficult to modify, but the increasing presence of Iran, Turkey, and China poses a significant challenge to Russian primacy, reshaping Armenia\u27s possibilities for forming new alliances. Iran\u27s role would become crucial in scenarios leading to the Zangezur Corridor\u27s construction. Likewise, the restrained engagement of Western powers implies that the regional dynamics and influence of smaller actors, such as Armenia, take center stage in shaping geopolitical power dynamics.
On the other hand, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, a cornerstone in the Caucasus\u27 relationships, continues to be a crucial element influencing the application of irredentism in the region. Cultural claims from both nations, particularly Armenia, highlight the impact of cultural and identity variables on threat perception, security agendas, and foreign policy approaches.
The territorial dispute has undergone a significant shift due to the geopolitical situation and tensions between Russia and Ukraine, placing Armenia in a vulnerable position without the support of its traditional ally. Consequently, in 2020, Armenian Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, floated the possibility of internally recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan. The announcement of the Republic of Artsakh\u27s dissolution on October 4, 2023, effective from January 1, 2024, triggered a mass exodus of ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.
Similarly, the initiatives surrounding the Zangezur Corridor introduce new security scenarios for the Caucasus, generating heightened uncertainty in the historically fragile relationship between Armenia and its neighbors. The handling of these transformations will not only determine Eurasia\u27s future but also the participating countries\u27 capacity to find diplomatic solutions and establish lasting peace in a region marked by historical and territorial tensions.
This in-depth exploration of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, within the wider context of Eurasia, underscores the intricate interplay of geopolitical forces, cultural dynamics, and shifting alliances. The examination of Armenia\u27s strategic choices, the evolving regional power dynamics, and the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the security landscape illuminates the challenges and opportunities faced by smaller states in shaping the complex geopolitics of the region. As Eurasia navigates the influence of both traditional and emerging powers, the unresolved tensions and strategic shifts in the Caucasus, exemplified by Armenia, reverberate beyond regional borders, sparking debates on multilateralism, regional security, and the evolving nature of power in the 21st century.
A pesar de que su influencia regional ha declinado con los años, Armenia sigue siendo un actor importante para las dinámicas en Eurasia sobre todo cuando se analiza desde la óptica del multilateralismo y las dinámicas de poder. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la crisis del multilateralismo en Eurasia a través de la comprensión del conflicto de Nagorno-Karabaj y como este puede generar no solo nuevos antagonismos como la intervención en baja escala de potencias occidentales o aumentar la influencia de ciertos actores como Azerbaiyán impulsado por el apoyo de Turquía, sino que también pueden aumentar las tensiones y rivalidades históricas que se han mantenido y, por ende, debilitar los procesos institucionales en la región. Para la consecución del objetivo planteado, se recurre a la metodología de estudio de caso, donde se analiza la particularidad de un fenómeno o evento desde múltiples perspectivas para lograr una comprensión detallada y explicar sus efectos.
En una primera sección, el texto estudia el contexto histórico, así como la actual situación de Armenia desde los conceptos de eurasianismo, multilateralismo, multipolarismo y regionalismo. A través del análisis de la geopolítica de la región, así como de los hechos históricos más relevantes se permite al lector entender las dinámicas de poder que se desdoblan en Eurasia a través de la gestión de los recursos naturales y la implementación de políticas exteriores contrastantes y convergentes al mismo tiempo. La segunda sección revisa los principales elementos del conflicto de Nagorno-Karabaj y los efectos que las acciones de setiembre de 2023 tienen sobre la gobernanza de la región euroasiática, la forma en la que concluyó el conflicto ocasionó cambios en las dinámicas regionales y sus efectos continúan viéndose en las relaciones entre los países del área. Del mismo modo el resultado ha provocado un desplazamiento masivo de personas lo que supone nuevos retos para los estados involucrados, en un contexto ya de por sí tenso por los acontecimientos mundiales. Además, este segundo apartado, analiza otros conflictos latentes que amenazan la estabilidad de la zona. Como corolario, se estudia el panorama para Armenia y se esbozan posibles escenarios ante el cambio en la balanza de poder de las potencias regionales
China en América Latina: inercias actuales de la Guerra Fría
No full textIn recent years, there have been numerous symptoms of the fragility of the international system which have culminated in the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It is increasingly common to hear and read about a “New Cold War”, a phrase referring to the current imitation of the international system of states from the second half of the 20th century. In some peripheral regions of the planet, the politics of ideological blocs never completely disappeared. However, the new structure of the international society has undergone a major change, since the state that can aspire to an alternative hegemony to the United States is no longer Russia as the successor of the Soviet Union but China as the (re)emerging great power. There are fundamental differences between China and the USSR, but also certain similarities in their challenges to the Western states in search of greater spaces of influence throughout the planet. In this context, the following article examines whether the Cold War political alliances are maintained during the first two decades of the 21st century in Latin America, an ever more influential region. It is not about carrying out any case study, a task that has gained growing interest and serves as support for the elaboration of the common thread of this work, which instead uses a more macro perspective. The main goal is to show some of the most relevant characteristics of the complex interregional relations between China and Latin America. For its part, the hypothesis is that, in the latter, international relations follow the dynamics of “ideological geopolitics” as stated by geographer John Agnew, but with the aforementioned role of China as the counterhegemonic alternative. Notwithstanding, the word inertia, included in the subtitle of the paper, is intended to designate alliances that have been maintained more because of the logic of the international system than to the political initiative of its actors.
To answer the question posed, the article is divided into three main parts. In the first section, following Agnew and others, a characterization of the geopolitical model typical of the Cold War and a review of the main concepts associated with these types of theories on international politics are conducted. Based on this theoretical framework, some of the most relevant aspects of the relations between China and Latin America are analysed in a section divided into four subparts. First, a brief history of China\u27s presence in Latin America, as opposed to other powers, is elaborated to serve as an introduction to the topic. Next, a clear differentiation between the political and economic spheres is made; this may be a simplification because each one uses its own methodological tools, more qualitative in the first case and quantitative in the second, and also because they do not follow the same logic. The section on political relations examines issues related to the mutual recognition of states and governments and, more briefly, official visits and institutional collaboration on various matters. For its part, economic relations are limited for practical reasons to commercial exchanges through data available online. Next, the main features of the new post-ideological geopolitical era, which is extracted as a possible scenario from Agnew\u27s work, are briefly described. The goal of this part is to provide a frame that serves as a reference to situate China’s relations with Latin America in the current balance of the international configuration of forces. Finally, some conclusions are stated about the interpretive capacity of these visions, both for Latin America and in what can be extrapolated to other territories on the planet.
Back into the theoretical framework, Agnew’s theory is matched with the possibility of a New Cold War, a periodization used by some authors. They have been arguing for years that the international reappearance of Russia and the growth of other alternative powers, especially China, may lead to a resurgence of ideological geopolitics. However, there is an open debate about whether this is the most likely scenario, as well as whether China is a real contender for hegemony. The analysis of the dispute for influence in Latin America can reveal some keys in that regard, as it has experienced major economic and political changes during the last two decades too. Among them, the emergence of a left-wing populism related to the deepening of extractivism in most countries is highlighted, as it is exactly what China needed the most for its industrialization.
The main political issues that this paper delves into are the relationship between Latin American states and Taiwan, and the international recognition of Nicolás Maduro or Juan Guaidó as president of Venezuela, both represented in maps. On the other hand, the trade relationships are reflected in two graphics drawn from bilateral data between China and individual countries, and between the region and the Asian giant. These political and economic relations are also framed in the broader framework of Geopolitics defined above.
Regarding the results obtained, political relations fit much more closely with the division of Latin America into capitalist and post-communist blocs, while in economic relations there are hardly any distinctions based on the political orientation of the governments of each country. Therefore, the hypothesis of a trend towards ideological geopolitics and a New Cold War in the region is only partially fulfilled. This double dimension allows to draw conclusions about the strategies followed by both parties and, on a higher scale, about the balance between great powers.
The current international alliances in Latin America are related to the spaces that the United States and the European Union leave for others like China to penetrate, mainly the left-wing populism. This friendly approach between China and the Latin American left is actually a win-win, since it is the way for the former to gain a certain influence in a key region due to its raw materials, while the latter needs some strong international support not to depend on Western powers. In this sense, the label “East-South relations” is proposed here as a middle ground between considering them North-South and South-South. Moreover, the Latin American case can serve to better understand similar dynamics in other regions of the planet, such as sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia.En este artículo se examina si la política de alianzas de la Guerra Fría se mantiene durante las dos primeras décadas del siglo XXI en América Latina, pero partiendo de la sustitución de la Unión Soviética por China como potencia alternativa a Occidente. No se trata de realizar ningún estudio de caso, una tarea que ha cobrado un interés creciente y sirve de apoyo para la elaboración del hilo conductor de este trabajo, que emplea en su lugar una perspectiva más macro. El objetivo es presentar algunas de las características principales de las complejas relaciones interregionales en clave del enfrentamiento por la hegemonía del sistema internacional de estados. Para ello, se realiza una elaboración de las ideas de “geopolítica ideológica”, de John Agnew, y “Nueva Guerra Fría”, una periodización empleada por diferentes autores. A partir de este marco teórico se analizan algunos de los aspectos más relevantes de las relaciones entre China y Latinoamérica, estableciendo una clara diferenciación entre las esferas política y económica. Esta decisión se justifica porque cada una emplea sus propias herramientas metodológicas, más cualitativas en el primer caso y cuantitativas en el segundo, y también porque su comportamiento no sigue las mismas lógicas. En el apartado de las relaciones políticas se examinan cuestiones relativas al reconocimiento mutuo de estados y de gobiernos y, más brevemente, a las visitas oficiales y la colaboración institucional en materias diversas. Por su parte, las relaciones económicas se limitan por razones prácticas a los intercambios comerciales a través de los datos bilaterales entre países y de la región en su conjunto con el gigante asiático. Las relaciones políticas se ajustan mucho más a la división de Latinoamérica en los bloques capitalista y postcomunista, mientras que en las económicas apenas hay distinciones en función del color político de los gobiernos de cada país, por lo que la hipótesis solo se cumple parcialmente. Esta doble dimensión permite extraer conclusiones acerca de las estrategias seguidas por ambas partes y, en una escala superior, sobre los equilibrios de poder entre grandes potencias, pudiendo servir el ejemplo latinoamericano para comprender mejor dinámicas similares en otras regiones del planeta
Descolonizando la Comprensión: Revelando el Papel de China en el Indo-Pacífico
No full textThe Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly significant in the realm of contemporary international relations, largely due to China\u27s rise as a major global player and its profound impact on the dynamics of power worldwide. However, traditional analyses of this region often exhibit inherent biases rooted in Eurocentric perspectives, neglecting the rich historical and cultural intricacies unique to the Indo-Pacific. This paper endeavors to conduct a critical examination of the intricate interplay between China\u27s ascent and Eurocentrism within the realm of international relations, focusing specifically on the multifaceted dynamics unfolding in the Indo-Pacific. The Indo-Pacific region has garnered increasing attention in contemporary international relations, driven primarily by China\u27s ascent as a significant global actor and its consequential influence on global power dynamics. Nevertheless, conventional approaches to analyzing this region tend to reflect inherent biases stemming from Eurocentric viewpoints, often overlooking the diverse historical narratives and cultural complexities that characterize the Indo-Pacific. This paper aims to undertake a comprehensive investigation into the complex relationship between China\u27s rise and Eurocentrism within the realm of international relations, particularly emphasizing the nuanced dynamics unfolding in the Indo-Pacific. By delving into these intricacies, the study seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the region\u27s geopolitical landscape and its implications for global politics.
China\u27s remarkable economic growth and its expanding sphere of influence have undeniably reshaped the geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific. Nevertheless, the prevailing interpretations of China\u27s rise predominantly emanate from Eurocentric vantage points, failing to adequately acknowledge the diverse historical trajectories and cultural complexities that characterize the Indo-Pacific region. By elucidating the inherent limitations of Eurocentrism in comprehending the Indo-Pacific\u27s complexities, this section emphasizes the urgent necessity for cultivating a more nuanced understanding of China\u27s role within the region.
Postcolonial approaches to international relations offer invaluable insights into the underlying power dynamics and discursive practices that underpin interactions within the Indo-Pacific. Through the deconstruction of colonial legacies and the interrogation of Western-centric narratives, postcolonial scholars shed light on the agency of formerly colonized nations and advocate for the establishment of a more inclusive and equitable global order. This section delves into the pertinence of postcolonial theory in elucidating the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific and its broader implications for the field of international relations scholarship.
China\u27s rapid economic growth and expanding influence have undoubtedly transformed the geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific region. However, conventional analyses of China\u27s rise often suffer from Eurocentric biases, which overlook the diverse historical trajectories and cultural complexities inherent to the Indo-Pacific. This section aims to highlight the limitations of Eurocentrism in understanding the nuances of the Indo-Pacific and advocates for a more nuanced approach to comprehending China\u27s role within the region.
Eurocentric perspectives tend to prioritize Western experiences and frameworks, thereby neglecting the rich tapestry of histories and cultures that define the Indo-Pacific. By viewing China\u27s ascent solely through a Eurocentric lens, analysts risk oversimplifying complex dynamics and overlooking significant factors that shape regional interactions. Therefore, there is an urgent need to challenge Eurocentric narratives and adopt a more inclusive approach that considers the diverse perspectives and experiences of Indo-Pacific nations.
Postcolonial approaches to international relations offer valuable insights into the power dynamics and discursive practices that underpin interactions within the Indo-Pacific. By interrogating the legacies of colonialism and imperialism, postcolonial scholars highlight the agency of formerly colonized nations and emphasize the importance of decolonizing knowledge production in international relations. In the context of the Indo-Pacific, postcolonial theory provides a framework for understanding the region\u27s complex history of colonization, decolonization, and postcolonial state-building efforts.
Furthermore, postcolonial theory encourages scholars to critically examine Western-centric narratives that often marginalize non-Western perspectives. By deconstructing dominant discourses, postcolonial scholars challenge hegemonic power structures and advocate for a more inclusive and equitable global order. In the context of the Indo-Pacific, this entails recognizing the diverse voices and experiences of nations within the region and acknowledging their contributions to shaping contemporary international relations.
The emergence of the Chinese School of International Relations presents a compelling alternative to the prevalent Eurocentric perspectives, particularly concerning the Indo-Pacific region. Anchored in Chinese philosophical traditions and historical experiences, this school offers unique insights into China\u27s foreign policy objectives and its overarching vision for regional and global governance. By dissecting the foundational principles and core tenets of the Chinese School, this section endeavors to elucidate its profound implications for comprehending the geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific in a more holistic manner.
The burgeoning influence of Beijing in the Indo-Pacific arena poses significant questions regarding the nature of power and China\u27s evolving role in shaping regional affairs. Through a comprehensive analysis of Beijing\u27s strategic initiatives, economic engagements, and diplomatic endeavors, this section seeks to justify China\u27s burgeoning power and its evolving role within the Indo-Pacific context. Furthermore, it delves into the multifaceted implications of China\u27s ascent for regional stability, security dynamics, and the broader international order, thereby offering valuable insights into the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region on the global stage. The increasing influence of Beijing in the Indo-Pacific region raises crucial questions about the nature of power and China\u27s evolving position in shaping regional dynamics. By conducting an in-depth analysis of Beijing\u27s strategic initiatives, economic engagements, and diplomatic efforts, this paper aims to provide a robust justification for China\u27s growing power and its evolving role within the Indo-Pacific context. Through examining China\u27s multifaceted approach to regional engagement, including its Belt and Road Initiative, maritime expansion efforts, and diplomatic maneuvers, this study seeks to illuminate the sources and implications of China\u27s burgeoning influence.
Furthermore, the paper delves into the complex implications of China\u27s ascent for regional stability, security dynamics, and the broader international order. China\u27s expanding presence in the Indo-Pacific has generated both opportunities and challenges for regional actors and the global community alike. While Beijing\u27s economic investments and infrastructure projects contribute to regional development and connectivity, they also raise concerns about debt dependency and geopolitical competition. Additionally, China\u27s assertive behavior in territorial disputes and military buildup in the South China Sea have heightened tensions and prompted responses from neighboring countries and other global powers.
In light of these developments, understanding China\u27s role in the Indo-Pacific is crucial for navigating the evolving geopolitical landscape and promoting stability and cooperation in the region. By analyzing the various dimensions of China\u27s engagement, this paper seeks to offer valuable insights into the complexities of Indo-Pacific dynamics and their implications for broader international relations. Ultimately, a nuanced understanding of China\u27s power and influence in the Indo-Pacific is essential for formulating effective policy responses and fostering constructive engagement among regional stakeholders and global actors.
In summary, this paper aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the complex interplay between China\u27s rise and Eurocentrism within the realm of international relations, with a specific focus on the Indo-Pacific region. By critically examining these dynamics through the lenses of postcolonial theory and the Chinese School of International Relations, this study endeavors to offer valuable insights into the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific and its broader implications for global power dynamics.El análisis sobre las Relaciones Internacionales (RI) en el contexto del Indo-Pacífico destaca la necesidad de una revisión profunda de las teorías eurocéntricas predominantes y la inclusión de perspectivas alternativas, como las propuestas por la escuela china de RI. En primer lugar, la crítica al eurocentrismo en las teorías de RI revela una limitación importante en la comprensión de las dinámicas globales, especialmente en regiones culturalmente diversas como el Indo-Pacífico. La tendencia a centrarse en experiencias y perspectivas occidentales ha llevado a un sesgo en la interpretación de eventos y relaciones internacionales, pasando por alto las complejidades históricas y culturales de otras partes del mundo. Esto ha llevado a un entendimiento parcial de fenómenos como el ascenso de China y la emergencia de nuevas dinámicas de poder en la región, que requieren un enfoque más inclusivo y globalmente consciente. En segundo lugar, la escuela china de RI ofrece una perspectiva alternativa fundamentada en la filosofía y la historia china, introduciendo conceptos como armonía, jerarquía y racionalidad. Estos elementos proporcionan una base teórica única para comprender la política internacional desde una perspectiva no occidental. Sin embargo, surge el desafío de cómo estas ideas se aplican en la práctica política y cómo influyen en la gobernanza global. La traducción de estos conceptos a políticas concretas en el contexto del Indo-Pacífico en un campo de estudio en evolución que requiere un análisis más detallado y empírico. Además, se destaca la importancia de una cooperación más estrecha entre la teoría de las RI y los estudios de área para enriquecer la comprensión de las dinámicas geopolíticas en la región. Esto implica superar la visión eurocéntrica del estado y explorar otras formas de organización política que han sido relevantes históricamente en el Indo-Pacífico. Asimismo, se requiere un mayor conocimiento de los procesos históricos y culturales específicos de la región para evitar interpretaciones simplistas y esencialistas. Por último, se advierte sobre el riesgo de esencializar identidades y legados históricos en el contexto del Indo-Pacífico, así como de legitimar discursos políticos nacionalistas y autoritarios. Esto resalta la necesidad de una aproximación crítica y reflexiva a la teoría de las RI, que reconozca la complejidad y diversidad de las dinámicas geopolíticas en la región. El objetivo es la revisión de las teorías eurocéntricas y la integración de perspectivas alternativas desde un punto de vista del Indo-Pacífico, como las de la escuela china de RI, son fundamentales para una comprensión más completa y precisa de las RI en el Indo-Pacífico
El derecho de transformación. Límites y obra derivada
No full textThroughout this work, it proceeded to study of one of the exclusive patrimonial rights of authorship that our Revised Text of the Intellectual Property Law regulates, the right of adaptation. This right is subjected to the limit of parody, a limit which, being regulated by European legislation, has been delimited by the Court of Justice of the European Union. Despite its relevance in practice, the connection between the right of adaptation and the author’s moral rights has meant that, following the same fate of the latter, it has not been harmonized by the European legislator. After analyzing the connection between moral rights and the right of adaptation, it is analyzed the result of the exercise of the latter on pre-existing works, the derivative works, a typology of works whose exploitation, increasingly over time, has been acquiring much prominence in today’s society.En el presente trabajo, se procede al estudio de uno de los derechos patrimoniales exclusivos de autor que nuestro Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual regula, el derecho de transformación. Este derecho se encuentra sometido al límite de la parodia, límite que, al estar regulado en normativa comunitaria, ha sido delimitado a su vez por el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea. A pesar de su relevancia en la práctica, la conexión del derecho de transformación con los derechos morales de autor ha provocado que, siguiendo la misma suerte de estos últimos, no haya sido armonizado por el legislador europeo. Tras analizar la conexión entre derechos morales y derecho de transformación, se estudia el fruto del ejercicio de este último sobre obras preexistentes, las obras derivadas, tipología de obras cuya explotación, de forma creciente en el tiempo, ha ido adquiriendo mucho protagonismo en la sociedad actual
Reseña de: Carrière, Jean-Claude: Buñuel-Carrière. Cuadernos de dibujos, Instituto de Estudios Turolenses y Gobierno de Aragón, Zaragoza, 2001, 302 pp.
No full textReseña de: Carrière, Jean-Claude: Buñuel-Carrière. Cuadernos de dibujos, Instituto de Estudios Turolenses y Gobierno de Aragón, Zaragoza, 2001, 302 pp