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Dialéctica argumental y café filosófico. Una propuesta de reglas que detonan diálogos cooperativos
No full textPhilosophical cafés are increasingly popular in Mexico, specifically in the city of Guadalajara, Jalisco. In this region there is a considerable increase in people who are interested in starting a project in this format; however, since philosophical cafés are a phenomenon that arises outside of academia, there is no defined procedure or guideline for their implementation. In this short paper I will talk about some vices that obstruct dialogue during philosophical cafés and how the Theory of argumentation can provide valuable elements to improve the dynamics, favoring dialogue in such a way that philosophical cafes promote cooperative dialogue.
Los cafés filosóficos son cada vez más populares en México, específicamente en la ciudad de Guadalajara, Jalisco. En esta región hay un aumento considerable de personas que se interesan por iniciar un proyecto en este formato; sin embargo, dado que los cafés filosóficos son un fenómeno que surge fuera de la academia, no hay un proceder definido o una pauta estándar para su realización. En este breve artículo hablaré de algunos vicios que obstruyen el diálogo durante los cafés filosóficos y cómo la Teoría de la argumentación puede brindar elementos valiosos para mejorar la dinámica, favoreciendo el diálogo de manera tal que los cafés filosóficos propicien el diálogo cooperativ
Cruzando géneros, envejecimientos y (des)afecciones. Un análisis espacio-afectivo del movimiento vecinal en el barrio de Almendrales
No full textThis paper analyzes the intersection between gender, aging and the processes of (dis)affection in the struggle to remodel the Almendrales neighborhood, in Usera (Madrid), through the stories of two older people, members of La Unión de Almendrales neighborhood association as a space for social mediation and intergenerational memory. By challenging stereotypes that reduce old age to a monolithic stage of decline and political and social disaffection to a homogeneous phenomenon of negative and passive emotions, the paper explores the transformative potential of the experiences of aging bodies as “lived bodies,” recognizing their plurality, affective complexity and capacity for social and political agency.Este artículo analiza la intersección entre género, envejecimiento y los procesos de (des)afección en la lucha por la remodelación del barrio de Almendrales, en Usera (Madrid), a través de los relatos de dos personas mayores, miembros de la asociación vecinal La Unión de Almendrales como espacio de mediación social y memoria intergeneracional. Desafiando los estereotipos que reducen la vejez a una etapa monolítica de decadencia y la desafección política y social a un fenómeno homogéneo de emociones negativas y pasivas, el artículo explora las potencialidades transformadoras de las experiencias de los cuerpos envejecidos en tanto “cuerpos vividos”, reconociendo su pluralidad, complejidad afectiva y capacidad de agencia social y política
Preferencias Portada, órganos editoriales e índice del nº38
No full textPreferencias Portada, órganos editoriales e índice del nº3
La importancia de BRICS+ para el desarrollo del mundo multipolar en el contexto de la crisis del Orden Internacional Liberal (OIL)
No full textThe article explores the expanding role of BRICS+ in the reconfiguration of the global order, with a particular focus on Africa and Latin America within a multipolar international system. As of 2025, BRICS+ has seen a significant increase in its membership, marked by the inclusion of countries like Egypt, Ethiopia, Cuba, and Bolivia. This expansion signals a shift in global geopolitics, with emerging economies playing a more prominent role in decision-making processes. This article argues that BRICS+, through its diversification of membership, offers a crucial platform for cooperation among developing countries and has the potential to reshape global power structures, moving away from the dominance of traditional Western powers.
One of the main points emphasized in the article is the growing influence of Africa within BRICS+, particularly with the expanded participation of African countries, now constituting 30% of the BRICS+ membership. This demographic shift allows Africa to play a more critical role in key developmental areas such as migration, resource management, human capital development, and trade liberalization. The article highlights the importance of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in the ongoing dialogue around South-South cooperation and trade liberalization. According to South Africa’s Finance Minister, Enoch Godongwana, South Africa will defend AfCFTA’s principles within the expanded BRICS+ group, suggesting that there is an opportunity to enhance cooperation between BRICS+ and regional integration agreements.
The role of Africa in BRICS+ is further explored through the strategic cooperation between major regional integration blocs like MERCOSUR (Brazil), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (China, Iran), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia, UAE). The potential for integrating these regional players into the BRICS+ framework presents a new avenue for South-South cooperation. This cooperation could be key in advancing Africa’s economic and political influence in the global arena. The article also examines how the AfCFTA platform could act as a central player in facilitating trade and investment flows among BRICS+ countries and other developing regions. Given the increased representation of African countries in BRICS+, this development challenges the traditional Western-dominated liberal international order that has long treated peripheral countries primarily as sources of raw materials.
Additionally, the inclusion of countries such as Egypt and Ethiopia in BRICS+ is presented as a strategic opportunity for Africa to reduce its dependency on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and access alternative sources of funding. Egypt, for example, has faced a significant increase in its external debt in recent years, reaching over USD 168 billion by December 2023. The economic difficulties Egypt faces, including high inflation and rising poverty levels, have prompted the country to seek alternatives to IMF-backed policies, making BRICS+ membership a potential solution. With BRICS+, Egypt can diversify its financing options and reduce its reliance on the IMF, thereby mitigating its current economic crisis.
The article also delves into Africa’s growing importance in terms of foreign direct investment (FDI). FDI in Africa reached USD 83 billion in 2021, with significant investments in sectors such as energy and mining. China, in particular, has been a prominent investor, contributing USD 7.35 billion in 2020, while European investments in Africa during the same period were a mere USD 223 million. Russia, too, has been involved in military-technical cooperation with 40 African countries, with China establishing its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017. This growing presence of foreign powers in Africa, particularly in the energy sector, underscores the region’s strategic importance in the global geopolitical landscape. As such, BRICS+ provides African countries with greater access to alternative sources of funding and trade opportunities, further reinforcing the continent’s role in global economic and political affairs.
Turning to Latin America, the article outlines the importance of Brazil’s leadership in MERCOSUR and how this contributes to BRICS+’s broader strategy. MERCOSUR, comprising Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, has long sought to strengthen economic ties within Latin America and with other regional blocs. As Brazil assumes the rotating presidency of BRICS+, the country is using this position to push for greater South-South cooperation and global governance reform. One of the key areas of focus for Brazil is the creation of alternative payment mechanisms to the US dollar, thereby reducing dependence on traditional Western financial systems. Brazil’s leadership role in BRICS+ enables Latin America to shape discussions on global economic policies, thereby promoting greater integration among developing economies.
However, the article also critiques the nature of BRICS+’s relationships with Africa and Latin America, particularly concerning the exploitation of natural resources. While BRICS+ has facilitated investment in infrastructure and resource extraction, these relationships often mirror the exploitative practices of the past, akin to the experiences of Latin America and the Caribbean. The article warns that if BRICS+ countries do not adopt more equitable policies in their dealings with developing nations, they risk perpetuating the dependency model that has long defined the global South’s relationship with the West. This creates a paradox where BRICS+ could serve as a counterbalance to Western powers but also risk reinforcing the same economic dynamics that have historically disadvantaged developing countries.
The inclusion of Cuba and Bolivia in BRICS+ is another significant development discussed in the article. For Cuba, joining BRICS+ represents a critical opportunity to bypass the US-imposed economic blockade. Cuba’s strengths lie in its biotechnology sector, pharmaceutical production, and scientific and technological cooperation, areas where BRICS+ can offer significant benefits. Cuba’s participation in BRICS+ will not only provide access to new markets but also allow the country to negotiate with greater autonomy, reducing its reliance on the US dollar and creating new trade and investment opportunities. Bolivia’s entry as an associate member is framed as part of a broader strategy to strengthen ties with the Global South, further cementing its role in the emerging multipolar world.
While the article acknowledges the potential of BRICS+ to provide an alternative to traditional power structures, it also points out that the relationships within the bloc are far from perfect. Although China and Russia have pushed for reforms in international investment regimes, the investment models employed by other BRICS+ members, particularly those with Latin American counterparts, often replicate traditional approaches. As the article notes, the economic relationships between BRICS+ and Latin America have primarily reinforced the region’s role as an exporter of raw materials, thus perpetuating the asymmetries of global trade. The article calls for a more inclusive and sustainable approach to development within BRICS+, one that fosters the diversification of economies and moves beyond the historical patterns of exploitation and dependence.
The theoretical framework underpinning the article is rooted in the development theories of Raúl Prebisch and the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), which advocate for the industrialization and diversification of developing economies. These theories are used to criticize the traditional patterns of economic development that have favored Western powers and to highlight the potential for BRICS+ to foster a more autonomous and equitable global order. The article aligns with the broader goals of BRICS+ to challenge the liberal international order and promote a more balanced distribution of power and resources in the global economy.El artículo analiza la creciente influencia de BRICS+ en la reconfiguración del orden mundial, centrándose especialmente en el papel de África y América Latina en un sistema internacional multipolar. La expansión de BRICS+ en 2025, con la inclusión de países como Egipto, Etiopía, Cuba y Bolivia, refleja un cambio significativo en la geopolítica global, promoviendo una mayor participación de las economías emergentes en la toma de decisiones globales. El artículo destaca cómo África, con una mayor representación dentro de BRICS+ (30% de los miembros africanos), se beneficia de una creciente cooperación en áreas clave como la migración, la gestión de recursos naturales y la liberalización del comercio. Se menciona el potencial del Área Continental de Libre Comercio de África (AfCFTA) para facilitar una mayor integración económica y comercial entre los países africanos y otros bloques regionales, como MERCOSUR en América Latina.
En América Latina, el artículo examina cómo MERCOSUR, liderado por Brasil, utiliza la plataforma BRICS+ para diversificar mercados y promover la integración económica, mientras trabaja en mecanismos alternativos de pago y cooperación Sur-Sur. El papel de Brasil en el grupo se destaca como esencial para la influencia de América Latina en las políticas globales. Sin embargo, el artículo también subraya que, a pesar de los avances, la relación con BRICS+ podría perpetuar patrones de dependencia económica, especialmente en la extracción de recursos naturales, lo que requiere políticas más equitativas y sostenibles para evitar una explotación similar a la vivida por América Latina en el pasado.
El enfoque teórico-metodológico del artículo está basado en la teoría del desarrollo de Prebisch y la CEPAL, que abogan por la diversificación económica y la industrialización como claves para el progreso de los países en desarrollo. Se emplea un análisis crítico de la cooperación económica Sur-Sur, evaluando los beneficios y desafíos de la inclusión de nuevos miembros en BRICS+, así como las oportunidades para reducir la dependencia de las potencias occidentales. El trabajo también examina el impacto de la entrada de países como Cuba y Bolivia, considerando sus expectativas de una mayor autonomía económica a través de la cooperación con BRICS+.
La estructura del artículo sigue un análisis de las relaciones internacionales, observando tanto las dinámicas internas del bloque BRICS+ como las interacciones con África y América Latina. Se concluye que BRICS+ tiene el potencial de transformar el sistema internacional al ofrecer alternativas económicas y políticas, pero que las disparidades internas y la competencia global seguirán siendo desafíos cruciales para su consolidación. La capacidad del bloque para mantener su cohesión y promover un desarrollo más inclusivo será determinante en su rol futuro en la geopolítica mundial
Perspectiva queer de feminismos diaspóricos y decoloniales: sobre, contra y más allá de las fronteras
No full textIn this queering decolonial feminist co(w)riting we bring to text a plural voice making of the philosophies and dark wisdoms emergent when queer decolonial feminist diasporic migrant/refugee (non)subjects speak in their/our own terms. We speak from the pluralities of the exteriority of (non)being and t)race of the “hieroglyphics of the flesh” (Spillers, 1987) as the attempted destruction of the racialized (M)other through blanqueamiento as onto-epistemological project of anti-life in nation-state/governance formation and (re)production. We bring to text the markings of the violating onto-epistemological intimacies of the frontier in the interstices of our everyday subjectification as/to flesh. We thus centre the impossibilities of belonging, homecoming and sanctuary within the logics and (ir)rationalities of the modern/colonial heteropatriarchal capitalist state and its violent (re)production of our dispossession and exile.
Yet we cannot stay in this place for this leaves us bereft reducing us to violation and re-thinigification, spoken as merely this violation. Instead and beyond, we move towards an affirmative presence of exteriority. Here we commit to an epistemological-political praxis in-relation to speak our poetics of that which escapes. We (w)rite as relationality, word and being-knowing as metaphor, myth, onto-epistemological materiality the re-membering of the plurally sided survivance and dark wisdoms (Hill Collins, 1991) of the impurity of our queer racialized and feminised lineages. We poetically travel and dance with our own plural and complex lineages beyond their banishment and negation inherent to many renditions of queer migrations and homecoming and making of homeplace (Wilderson, 2013; Bolaki, 2011; Motta, 2013, 2014, 2017, 2018, 2022c; Lorde, 1982).
We also move in, against and beyond the concept of solidarity (Ponce, 2015; Fellner and Nossem, 2018) as means of embodying relationalities across plurality and difference from exteriority and between those of us inhabiting the borderlands of (non)being as queer racialized and feminised migrants and refugees. We thus articulate a kinship (m)otherwise weaved through and as the erotic in which we poeticise (non)being and the pluralities of home as/and world-making (Gonzalez et al., 2023). We build on the shoulders of queer kin who queer reading and(w)riting through embodied and located modes of producing text in a form that is both a radical relation and radical refusal (Cannon, 2018).
We poetizar la vida through an erotic and dignifying poetics of meaning-making as world-creating, against and beyond the frontiers of reason, right, (political)subjectivity, desire, intimacy and love of (settler)coloniality. Our (w)riting then is a form of queer decolonial feminist resistances and survivance. Our texts are not mere representations but enfleshed cosmopolitics of subjects-in-relation who disrupt and burlarse of the codifications and containments of the frontier and its thingi-fication as it attempts to assimilate and annihilate our poli and trans being-knowing in and as the world. We do this for us, and our struggles and yearnings for plural in relation homeplace and sanctuary.
In our case, that is Suman and I, queer poetry is our shared tongue of the poetics of this, our, erotic medicine-making methodology. This allows us to touch our tears and prepares us to fight against the onto-epistemological war declared against us again and again, day after day. Our queer diasporic feminist decolonising art sharpens our weapons of self-care and sovereignties (m)otherwise. Queer poetry and poetics implores us to take the time to listen to each other and to together decipher the indecipherable. This assists in collective pluridiverse self/other healing and/as homecoming. For us, poetry is a poetics that has the potential to bring into being both a speaking truth to power, in joyful defiance, and a form of poetizando la vida so that we might birth into be-ing becoming multiple world-making futurities.En este (esc)rito colectivo, feminista, decolonial y queer, llevamos al texto una voz plural que hace emerger las filosofías y las sabidurías oscuras cuando los (no-)sujetos migrantes o refugiados diaspóricos, feministas, decoloniales y queer pueden expresarse en sus/nuestros propios términos. Nos pronunciamos desde las pluralidades de la exterioridad del (no-)ser. Posicionamos la imposibilidad de pertenecer, de regresar a casa y de encontrar refugio en el centro de las lógicas e (ir)racionalidades del estado capitalista heteropatriarcal contemporáneo/colonial y su violenta (re)producción de nuestro expolio y exilio. Poetizamos la vida mediante una poesía erótica y dignificante, sobre la creación semántica como confección del mundo, desafiando y trascendiendo las fronteras de la razón, del derecho, de la subjetividad (política), del deseo, la intimidad y el amor del colonialismo (invasivo). Nuestro ritual de escritura es, pues, una forma de resistencia y supervivencia queer, decolonial y feminista. Nuestros textos no son meras representaciones, sino la encarnación de una cosmopolítica sobre sujetos interrelacionados, que trastocan y se burlan de las codificaciones y las contenciones de la frontera y su cosificación al tratar de asimilar y aniquilar nuestro conocer-ser diverso y trans, tanto en el mundo como siendo parte de él. Lo hacemos por nosotros, por nuestras luchas y anhelos a favor de un pluralismo en relación con el hogar y el refugio. Invitamos a que observéis a los abajocomunes queers de los manglares, en comunión erótica, partiendo de las pluralidades de nuestro (no-)ser, en el cual poder crear relaciones alternas, que sean productoras de amor
Leyes que restringen derechos. Obstáculos para la participación de los pueblos indígenas en procesos electorales en Guatemala y Paraguay
No full textThe electoral participation of Indigenous peoples is limited in several Latin American countries, including Paraguay and Guatemala. Despite the legislative progress of the last two decades throughout the continent, in both countries there are still regulatory barriers that hinder the exercise of political rights of Indigenous people. In most cases, the electoral legislation itself contains numerous obstacles to the Indigenous candidates’ effective access to popularly elected positions, as well as to the exercise of their right to vote. Furthermore, the regulations of the electoral system or the legal requirements for the formation and consolidation of political parties significantly affect the representation of Indigenous peoples in both countries. Compounding this situation is the systemic exclusion of Indigenous peoples in different areas, which is also replicated in the electoral sphere.
The objective of this paper is to identify the regulatory obstacles for the participation of Indigenous people in the electoral processes in Guatemala and Paraguay, as voters and as candidates for popularly elected positions.
This comparative documentary research, qualitative in nature, aims to establish the essential characteristics of two case studies, based on a review of national legal frameworks and specialized bibliography. The study is based exclusively on documentary sources. To achieve the proposed objective, firstly, the participation of Indigenous peoples in electoral processes in Guatemala and Paraguay is examined. In addition, general data are presented such as the percentage of the Indigenous population, the number of linguistic families, the legal framework for the protection of political rights and the characteristics of the national electoral system.
In this study, the selected cases are different in general, but they reach the same result. It is proposed that the main differences between both case studies stem from the percentage of Indigenous population in each country, the number of Indigenous people in each country, the geographical location and the existence or absence of experience of Indigenous people in the representation of national positions by popular election. The differences are notable between both countries, which are located in areas of the American continent, with different characteristics, Guatemala in Central America and Paraguay in South America. Regarding the percentage of Indigenous population, Guatemala is the country with the highest percentage of Indigenous population in Latin America. In contrast, the Indigenous population in Paraguay reaches only 2.29% of the national population. There are 6,518,846 Indigenous people living in Guatemala and 140,206 Indigenous people in Paraguay, which marks a difference of 6,378,640 people between both countries.
Another difference between both countries is the experience of Indigenous peoples in representing national positions by popular election. In national elections in Guatemala, from 1985 onwards, several Indigenous people have been elected in Congress, specifically in the Chamber of Deputies. In contrast, in Paraguay, until now, no Indigenous person has held an elective position at the national level in the country, neither in the Executive Branch, nor in the Chamber of Senators, nor in the Chamber of Deputies. Especially in the last decade, several candidates have run for both chambers of Congress, but have failed to gather the votes necessary to occupy a seat.
For the analysis of regulatory barriers, two levels of participation of Indigenous people have been considered: a. as voters and b. as candidates. At the same time, the first level includes two specific indicators: equality in voter registration and equality in casting the vote.
The level referring to participation as candidates includes four indicators: equality in the registration of candidacies, equality in the creation and registration of political parties, equality in access to the political financing system and diversity in the structure of the electoral system.
The comparison of the two case studies shows that, despite the differences with respect to the aforementioned factors, both the electoral legislation of Guatemala and Paraguay have a similar restrictive effect that significantly limits the participation and representation of Indigenous peoples in the Executive Branch and in the National Congress.
The results of the research allow us to appreciate that among the main regulatory obstacles registered in Guatemala and Paraguay is the lack of registration of ethnic affiliation in the electoral roll, which prevents determining the percentage of Indigenous people registered to vote. It is also not possible to determine the specific participation rate of Indigenous peoples in the electoral process. Likewise, the candidacy records do not include ethnic affiliation, so those who do or do not manage to hold elective positions cannot be made visible. Indeed, in neither country does the electoral legislation include any special clause on the registration and voting of Indigenous people.
Regarding the creation and registration of political parties, both in Guatemala and Paraguay, there are enormous requirements for the recognition of these political organizations, in addition to the fact that various procedures and their registration are carried out centrally, only in the capital of both countries. This situation would represent an expenditure of additional resources for transportation and logistics of party representatives from the different departments and municipalities and would especially affect the Indigenous population, residing in rural areas. In Paraguay, furthermore, electoral legislation prohibits the creation of regional parties, which require lower expenses (transportation and advertising, organization of electoral campaigns, etc.) than national parties. This precept constitutes a barrier to the formation of Indigenous parties in geographical areas of the country with a high concentration of Indigenous population.
Likewise, in Guatemala, the law stipulates that all members of a political party must know how to read and write. This requirement can limit the political participation of Indigenous peoples, considering that illiteracy rates are higher in areas with a greater concentration of Indigenous population.
In Guatemala and Paraguay, the electoral system does not contemplate any type of special financing mechanism for Indigenous parties or candidates, nor does it have affirmative action mechanisms for Indigenous peoples. These mechanisms seek to promote the representation of Indigenous peoples in local, regional or national legislative bodies, when this cannot be achieved through the regular channels of electoral systems. In short, they are the main means of expressing cultural diversity in countries.La participación electoral de los pueblos indígenas se encuentra limitada en varios países de América Latina, entre ellos Paraguay y Guatemala. A pesar del avance legislativo de las últimas dos décadas, en ambos países existen barreras normativas que obstaculizan el ejercicio de ciertos derechos políticos de los pueblos indígenas. El objetivo de este artículo es identificar los obstáculos normativos para la participación de personas indígenas en los procesos electorales en Guatemala y Paraguay, en su calidad de electores y de candidatos y candidatas a cargos de elección popular. Para ello, se emplean niveles e indicadores puntuales.
Esta investigación documental de tipo comparativo, de naturaleza cualitativa, pretende establecer las características esenciales de dos casos de estudio, a partir de una revisión de los marcos legales nacionales y de la bibliografía especializada. Para lograr el objetivo propuesto, en primer término, se examina la participación de los pueblos indígenas en procesos electorales de Guatemala y Paraguay. Además, se presentan datos generales al respecto como ser porcentaje de población, familias lingüísticas, el marco jurídico de protección de derechos políticos y las características de los sistemas electorales nacionales.
La comparación de dos casos de estudio expone que, pese a las diferencias respecto a algunos factores demográficos, geográficos y políticos de ambos países, la legislación electoral nacional posee un efecto restrictivo similar que limita la participación y la representación de personas indígenas en el Poder Ejecutivo y en el Congreso Nacional. Entre estos obstáculos se encuentran la falta de adscripción étnica en el padrón electoral y en la inscripción de candidaturas, así como de información sobre el nivel de participación indígena; los ingentes requisitos para el reconocimiento de los partidos políticos y la centralización para trámites, la imposibilidad de la inscripción de candidaturas indígenas en forma independiente y la ausencia de facilidades para candidaturas indígenas por parte de los partidos políticos, la carencia de mecanismos especiales de financiamiento para partidos o candidaturas indígenas y de mecanismos de acción afirmativa para pueblos indígenas
El soporte artístico-activista del mariconeo internacionalista
No full textLos textos aquí reunidos dan testimonio de cómo académiques, artistas y activistas han entretejido, mariqueado, andado, liberado y divinizado sus vidas, (auto)narrativas, cuerpos, territorios, sentires, pensares, actuares y ancestralidades. En sus caminares, han nombrado y reclamado en re-existencia vocabularios de lucha y de ternura como la “afroalegría” en el poema de Marduk Salam, la resignificación del saberse “el maricón de la clase” en la narrativa de Alejandra Jiménez Máñez, el orgullo de ser “loca” reflejado en las pinturas de Guillermo Correa Montoya, la “fuerza que abraza” del poema de Ana Gamarra Altamar y Hillary Agamez, el “tejido” y el “juego” triki descrito en el cuento de Paolo Axolotl y el “catecismo antipatriarcado”, la “Maternalia cuier”, el “afrofuturo eterno”, la “afroVida” y el “prietagonismo” del manantial poético de Yolanda Arroyo Pizarro.Los textos aquí reunidos dan testimonio de cómo académiques, artistas y activistas han entretejido, mariqueado, andado, liberado y divinizado sus vidas, (auto)narrativas, cuerpos, territorios, sentires, pensares, actuares y ancestralidades. En sus caminares, han nombrado y reclamado en re-existencia vocabularios de lucha y de ternura como la “afroalegría” en el poema de Marduk Salam, la resignificación del saberse “el maricón de la clase” en la narrativa de Alejandra Jiménez Máñez, el orgullo de ser “loca” reflejado en las pinturas de Guillermo Correa Montoya, la “fuerza que abraza” del poema de Ana Gamarra Altamar y Hillary Agamez, el “tejido” y el “juego” triki descrito en el cuento de Paolo Axolotl y el “catecismo antipatriarcado”, la “Maternalia cuier”, el “afrofuturo eterno”, la “afroVida” y el “prietagonismo” del manantial poético de Yolanda Arroyo Pizarro
El estudio de las Relaciones Internacionales desde perspectivas queer/cuir y trans/feministas
No full textEditorial number 58 of the journal International RelationsEditorial número 58 de la revista Relaciones Internacionale
¿Puede construirse un sistema de responsabilidad precontractual? Análisis de los deberes precontractuales y las consecuencias jurí-dicas derivadas de su infracción
No full textSince the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (1980) the dogmatic model of contractual liability adopted is based on a unitary concept of breach of contract, which includes all its possible manifestations, and on this basis, it provides a set of remedies to protect the non-breaching party. He can: claim performance, terminate the contract, claim damages, claim a reduction of the price or withhold his own performance. However, precontractual liability is addressed by topos, so this paper arises the possibility of organizing precontractual liability systematically.A partir de la Convención de Viena sobre Compraventa Internacional de Mercaderías (1980) el modelo dogmático de responsabilidad contractual adoptado se asienta sobre un concepto unitario de incumplimiento, que comprende todas sus manifestaciones posibles, y, sobre el mismo, articula una serie de remedios (la pretensión de cumplimiento, la reducción del precio, la resolución del contrato, la indemnización de daños y la suspensión del cumplimiento), de forma que esta queda sistematizada. Sin embargo, la responsabilidad precontractual se aborda en nuestro sistema de forma tópica; se ofrece una solución para cada grupo de casos. En este contexto, el trabajo se pregunta por la posibilidad de construir un sistema de responsabilidad precontractual