Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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An approach to English comparative correlatives
Get PDFRecent syntactic theory has highlighted the importance of peripheral
constructions such as the comparative correlative construction. This
construction involves a pair of filler-gap constructions with unusual
properties. The first is a subordinate clause and the second a main clause. The
construction has a number of related constructions. A version of HPSG, which
assumes hierarchies of phrase types, can provide satisfactory analyses both for
the comparative correlative constructions and for the related
constructions. The two clauses in the comparative-correlative construction can
be analysed as non-standard head-filler phrases differing from standard
headfiller phrases in certain respects. The construction as a whole can be
analyzed as a non-standard head-adjunct phrase, in which the head and the
phrase have different categories
Raising doubts about Russian impersonals
Get PDFThe Russian data presented in Perlmutter and Moore (2002) seem to
call into question the standard analysis of raising within Head-driven Phrase
Structure Grammar (HPSG): In Russian, the case marking of the raising target
and raising pivot does not seem to be shared. In this paper, we show that
the phenomena described by Perlmutter and Moore can receive another analysis,
fully compatible with HPSG\u27s theory of raising. We argue in addition
that our account leads to a slightly simpler model of the Russian data than
Perlmutter and Moore\u27s. Crucially, our analysis is only available if we avail
ourselves of a rich network of language-specific constructional schemata, a
stance recently advocated within HPSG, following the lead of Construction
Grammar
Between shifts and alternations: Ditransitive constructions
Get PDFIn this paper I present two classes of double object constructions in Modern
Greek, i.e., the genitive, as well as the double accusative, ditransitive
constructions. I show that these two classes differ from one another in that
not both of them permit derivational processes such as the formation of
adjectival passives. I also look at the case properties associated with the
verbs which head Modern Greek genitive and double accusative ditransitive
constructions. Finally, the analysis I propose for these constructions in
Modern Greek are formalized using the Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS)
framework of Copestake et al. (2001) and Copestake et al. (2003)
License to COLL: How to bind bound words and readings to their contexts
Get PDFIn this contribution we propose a new module for handling idioms and
distributional idiosyncrasies. Based on the concept by Richter/Sailer (1999)
the new feature COLL (context of lexical licensing) plays the central role in
our approach. We provide a way to handle decomposable and nondecomposable
idioms and idioms containing bound words. Our module guarantees the
co-occurrence of all idiom parts and of bound word and licensing context,
respectively. A prerequisite for our analysis is a means to select for
particular elements in the lexicon. We introduce another feature, LISTEME,
which gives each lexical item its unique identifier andmakes it possible to
select for a particular lexical word or phrase. Finally, we compare our
proposal with alternative approaches and give some ideas regarding further
applications beyond idiomaticity
Towards licensing of adverbial noun phrases in HPSG
Get PDFThis paper focuses on aspects of the licensing of adverbial noun phrases
(AdvNPs) in the HPSG grammar framework. In the first part, empirical issues
will be discussed. A number of AdvNPs will be examined with respect to various
linguistic phenomena in order to find out to what extent AdvNPs share syntactic
and semantic properties with non-adverbial NPs.Based on empirical
generalizations, a lexical constraint for licensing both AdvNPs and
non-adverbial NPs will be provided. Further on, problems of structural
licensing of phrases containing AdvNPs that arise within the standard HPSG
framework of Pollard and Sag (1994) will be pointed out, and a possible
solution will be proposed. The objective is to provide a constraint-based
treatment of NPs which describes non-redundantly both their adverbial and
non-adverbial usages. The analysis proposed in this paper applies lexical and
phrasal implicational constraints and does not require any radical
modifications or extensions of the standard HPSG geometry of Pollard and Sag
(1994)
Pied piping is a local dependency
Get PDFTo model the pied piping in interrogative and exclamative clauses Ginzburg & Sag (2000) proposes a
nonlocal head-driven treatment, thus emphasizing the resemblances with extraction. This treatment
has a number of drawbacks: it relies on poorly motivated lexical rules and nonbranching phrase
structure rules, it makes false predictions about pied piping in PPs, and it presupposes an
implausible structure for NPs with predeterminers. To solve these problems I propose an alternative
in which pied piping is treated as a local functor-driven dependency. Technically, the WH feature
is integrated in the CATEGORY objects, and the propagation of its values is modeled by constraints
which are independently needed for the treatment of other phenomena
A treatment of directionals in two implemented HPSG grammars
Get PDFThis article proposes a semantics of directional expressions in Norwegian and
German, regarded as VP modifiers. The analysis uses Minimal Recursion
Semantics, as an integrated part of Matrix-based HPSG grammars. Directional
expressions are analyzed as modifying an individual, the \u27mover\u27. Context
dependent directionals like here receive a decomposed analysis. Telicity values
reflecting various types of directional and locative expressions are computed
Constituency, word order and focus projection
Get PDFIn this study we show that constituency is of limited importance for a proper treatment of
the interaction between the linear position of a wa-marked nominal in a Japanese sentence
and possible domains of contrastive focus, and that constraints concerning contrastive focus
should be represented in terms of linear order and not constituency. Linearisation HPSG,
where linear order is independent from constituency, provides a good basis for an analysis.
Some constraints are provided in terms of order domains, and it is shown that these
constraints can deal with the phenomena in question, and that the cases problematic for the
constituency-based analyses can also be accounted for by our analysis
Linking in constructions
Get PDFIn this paper I will make an attempt to show how the linking normally done in
the lexicon also can be done in constructions. The motivation behind this is
the flexibility it gives the grammar writer in underspecifying lexical
entries. Being too rigid about linking in the lexicon may lead to unsatisfying
results such as multiple lexical entries for what one intuitively feels is just
one lexical entry, or alternatively, lexical rules which are not
morphologically motivated. The aim is to show that this can be avoided by
letting constructions introduce the linking information instead
Lexical Resource Semantics: From theory to implementation
Get PDFThis paper summarizes the architecture of Lexical Resource Semantics
(LRS). It demonstrates how to encode the language of two-sorted
theory (Ty2; Gallin, 1975) in typed feature logic (TFL), and then
presents a formal constraint language that can be used to extend
conventional description logics for TFL to make direct reference to
Ty2 terms. A reduction of this extension to Constraint Handling
Rules (CHR; Fruehwirth & Abdennadher, 1997) for the purposes of
implementation is also presented