Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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Backshift and tense decomposition
Get PDFBackshift is a phenomenon affecting verb tense that is visible as a mismatch
between some specific embedded contexts and other environments. For instance,
the indirect speech equivalent of a sentence like \u27Kim likes reading\u27, with
a present tense verb, may show the same verb in a past tense form, as in \u27Sandy said Kim liked
reading\u27. We present a general analysis of backshift, pooling data from English and Romance
languages. Our analysis acknowledges that tense morphology is ambiguous between different temporal
meanings, explicitly models the role of the speech time and the event times involved and takes the
aspectual constraints of tenses into consideration
Past affix\u27 selection of verbal stems
Get PDFWe will observe which stem allomorph the affixes, the so-called ˋnon-past\u27 affix, the past affix,
the imperative affix, the negative affix and the voice affix-like verbs, select between the longer
and the shorter in Japanese-Yanagawa dialect on the assumption that verbal lexemes may be associated
with more than one stem. Observing the phenomenon more closely, we found that the verbal stem forms
entertain default implicative relations in the stem dependency hierarchy. We will propose i) an
implemented analysis of the past affix and ii) an implementation of the allomorph selections by the
ˋnon-past\u27 affix in Koga and Ono, 2010 as two examples
An HPSG approach to free relatives in Arabic
Get PDFThis paper describes free relative constructions in Modern Standard Arabic (henceforth, MSA) and
aims to provide an HPSG analysis for them. MSA has two types of free relative constructions. One,
which is introduced by the complementizer ʔallaði, looks just like a relative clause. The other,
which is introduced by the elements man and maa, which also appear to be complementizers, does not
look like a relative clause. Both types can be analysed in term of unary-branching structures (as
NPs consisting just of a CP). In ʔallaði free relatives, the NP and the value of SLASH can be
coindexed via the value of MOD on the CP. In man and maa free relatives, the NP and the value of
SLASH must be coindexed directly
Individual constraints for information structure
Get PDFThis paper, in the context of multilingual MT, proposes the use of ICONS
(Individual CONstraintS) to add a representation of information structure to
MRS. The value of ICONS is a list of objects of type info-str, each of which
has the features CLAUSE and TARGET. The subtypes of info-str indicate
which information structural role is played by the TARGET with respect
to the CLAUSE. This proposal is designed to support both the calculation
of focus projection from underspecified representations and the handling of
multiclausal sentences
Establishing order in type-based realisational morphology
Get PDFRecent years have witnessed a renewal of interest in variable morph ordering, the situation where
the position of a morph in the word is not constant. These situations present a challenge to extant
inferential-realisational approaches to morphology (Stump, 2001), insofar as these adopt implicitly
or explicitly an a-morphous approach to morphological composition (Anderson, 1992). In this paper we
will first review the typology of known variable morph ordering phenomena in inflection. We then
argue that the challenges can be met by making a distinction between paradigmatic opposition classes
and syntagmatic position classes, and show that this distinction can readily be implemented in HPSG
while keeping the amorphous assumption
A left-branching grammar design for incremental parsing
Get PDFThis paper presents a left-branching constructionalist grammar design
where the phrase structure tree does not correspond to the
conventional constituent structure. The constituent structure is
rather reflected by embeddings on a feature STACK. The design is
compatible with incremental processing, as words are combined from
left to right, one by one, and it gives a simple account of long
distance dependencies, where the extracted element is assumed to be
dominated by the extraction site. It is motivated by psycholinguistic
findings
A unified approach to VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora
Get PDFIt is known that VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora are typologically different phenomena. English has
VP-ellipses whereas Korean has VP-anaphora. The goals of this paper are (i) to develop a unified
algorithm which can analyze these two different phenomena and (ii) to explain them using the
developed resolution algorithm. In order to analyze these phenomena, this paper incorporates
Jager\u27s anaphora resolution mechanism (2010) into the typed feature structure formalism of
Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). In this paper, VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora are analyzed
as follows. First, English do and Korean kuleha-ta are introduced with the Geach value, and this
value is changed with a slash-elimination rule. Then, one constituent combines with another by
ordinary syntactic rules, while the information on the target predicate is percolated up. When a
potential source appears, a slash-introduction rule is applied. Then, the source predicate activates
the VP-resolution rule, and the target predicate is connected with the source in the semantic
representations
Fragments vs. null arguments in Korean
Get PDFKorean has two types of answers shorter than full sentential answers: Fragments and null argument
constructions. Apparently the two constructions have the same interpretative processes. However,
there are some cases where the fragment and null argument construction behave differently: e.g.,
wh-puzzles, sloppy interpretation. We suggest that the two constructions involve two different types
of anaphora and that the sources of sloppy(-like) interpretation are fundamentally
distinct. Fragments pattern differently with null arguments in that only the former may display
genuine sloppy readings. The latter may yield sloppy-like readings which are pragmatically induced
by the explicature that can be cancelled unlike genuine sloppy readings in fragments. Evidence
(wh-ellipsis, quantifier ellipsis) all lends substantial support to our claim that fragments are
analyzed as an instance of clausal ellipsis while null arguments are analyzed as an instance of null
pronoun pro; hence, the former is surface anaphora whereas the latter is deep anaphora in the sense
of Hankamer & Sag (1976)
Comparison of the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination with its alternatives
Get PDFIn this paper, I compare the ellipsis-based theory of non-constituent coordination proposed in
Yatabe (2001) with three of its alternatives, namely the theory that has been widely accepted within
the context of Categorial Grammar, Mouret\u27s HPSG-based theory, and the theory proposed by Bachrach
and Katzir in the framework of the Minimalist Program. It is found (i) that the CG-based theory of
non-constituent coordination cannot deal with medial RNR, i.e. a subset of right-node raising
constructions in which either all or a part of the right-node-raised material is realized at a
location other than the right edge of the final conjunct, (ii) that Mouret\u27s theory encounters
similar difficulties when applied to RNR, and (iii) that Bachrach and Katzir\u27s theory cannot be
applied to left-node raising in English, has difficulty capturing the semantic inertness of medial
RNR, and overgenerates in several ways. The ellipsis-based theory, on the other hand, appears to be
consistent with all the observations
An analysis of Danish free relatives
Get PDFThis paper presents an analysis of Danish free relative constructions. Fol- lowing Bresnan and
Grimshaw (1978) we will adopt a wh-head (in Danish hv-head) analysis where the hv-phrase is the head
of an NP. Also following Bresnan and Grimshaw (1978) we will propose an analysis which does not
involve a filler-gap dependency between the hv-phrase and the gap in the sis- ter clause. Instead we
will propose that the gap in the sister clause is bound off by a constructional constraint. In this
way the analysis will be shown to differ from previous HPSG wh-head analyses of free relatives