Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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On exhaustive conditional clauses in Modern Standard Arabic
Simple conditional clauses identify a single condition under which a modified clause is true. In contrast, exhaustive conditionals (ECs) identify a set of conditions under all of which the clause is true. Two binary distinctions give four possible types of EC. Three of these are found in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). Unlike English ECs, MSA ECs have essentially the same distribution as simple conditionals. Three rather different analyses seem appropriate for the three types, but they share a number of properties allowing the similarities between the three types to be captured
A new account of the case alternation in Korean complex predicates
This paper investigates the phenomenon referred to as \u27case alternation\u27 in the complex predicate with the auxiliary verb siph- \u27want\u27 in Korean. It provides an account for the analysis within the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). It begins by reviewing previous analyses that case alternation in the construction of the complex predicate -ko siph- \u27want to\u27 can be accounted for by a dual inheritance property specified in the lexicon. This study, by contrast, proposes a new account of case alternation in the complex predicate -ko siph- \u27want to\u27. It introduces a new classification of the particle -i/ka, arguing that it functions not only as a subject case marker but also as an information structure marker. Furthermore, it argues that the grammatical case of the second argument marked with the particle -i/ka has not changed. Instead, the particle -i/ka enables the argument to be focused. Through a detailed analysis of the complex predicate -ko siph- \u27want to\u27, this research proposes a lexical entry for the particle -i/ka as an information structure marker, elucidating its role in the complex predicate construction -ko siph- \u27want to\u27. The findings have implications for our understanding of case-marking and the argument structure of the Korean complex predicate -ko siph- \u27want to\u27
Further evidence for an HPSG-based theory of the semantics of different and the same
Yatabe (2021) presents a theory according to which the meaning of a word like different in a sentence like Anna and Bill like different films contains the meaning of a reciprocal pronoun. Since the postulated reciprocal meaning inside the meaning of a word like different requires the presence of a semantic antecedent, the theory entails that the apparent internal reading of a sentence like John saw and reviewed different films, which does not contain a plural DP that could serve as the semantic antecedent of the postulated reciprocal meaning, must be licensed in a way that is entirely different from the way in which the internal reading of a sentence like Anna and Bill like different films is licensed. In the present paper, I adduce additional pieces of evidence for this theory. In order to enhance the plausibility of the proposed theory, I also show how the collective interpretation of reciprocals and the interaction of reciprocals and cumulative interpretation can be accounted for within the theory
How things become red in Mandarin Chinese? A case study of deadjectival change of state predicates
This paper provides an HPSG analysis for the morphosyntax and the semantics of deadjectival change of state (CoS) verbs in Mandarin Chinese. We first show that adjectives are a distinct word class from verbs in Mandarin Chinese and argue for the derivation of CoS verbs from property concept adjectives. We then model this derivation with a lexical rule. Finally, since CoS verbs can be combined with another verb to form a resultative verb compound (RVC) to express caused CoS, we also propose a lexical rule to account for RVCs
Superlative ever in Dutch, French, German, and Spanish
The paper examines borrowed instances of what we call emphatic superlative ever (ES-ever) into two Germanic languages (Dutch and German) and two Romance languages (French and Spanish). We base our study on extensive corpus data. We model the data in three stages ranging from constructional borrowing (Stage-1: el coolest job ever ‘the coolest job ever’), via diaconstructions (Stage-2: la mejor canción ever ‘the best song ever’), up to lexical borrowing (Stage-3: las portadas más photoshopeadas ever ‘the most photoshoped portals ever’). We extend an earlier approach to social meaning in HPSG to borrowing.
The data extracted for this study is available at: https://osf.io/juewa/?view_only=215970c573d34b148815cc565396569
Argument realization and argument referencing in Soranî Kurdish
Soranî Kurdish can reference up to two arguments morphologically, a subject agreement marker and an incorporated object pronoun. One of the argument referencing morphs is verb-bound and occurs in a fixed position in the verb template (after the stem), while the other is a mobile morph that can occur either verb-internally (in second or last position) or verb externally. Either the subject agreement marker or the object incorporated pronoun can be verb bound or mobile morphs, depending on the tense and presence of an NP complement. Previous literature has analyzed mobile morphs as (VP) endoclitics. We argue that this is not the case as verb-external mobile morphs occur at the end of the last word of the least oblique NP complement and cannot attach to the last word of VP-internal PPs. We provide an edge-feature based analysis of verb-external mobile morphs and show that the same realizational rules account for the exponents of mobile morph features whether they occur verb-internally or verb-externally. We furthermore suggest that the dissociation between paradigm class (verb-bound or mobile morph) and syntactic status (subject or object; agreement marker vs. incorporated pronoun) challenges views that treat morphological structure as isomorphic to syntactic structure
Second position without movement: Enclitic particles in Passamaquoddy
This paper presents an analysis of the second-position clitics of Maliseet-Passamaquoddy (Algonquian, New Brunswick and Maine) in the framework of Sign-Based Phrase Structure Grammar (Sag 2012). Unlike a previous transformational analysis (Johnson and Rosen 2015) that takes clitics to occupy a functional head in the left periphery, the proposal advanced here makes no use of movement or functional heads. Instead, clitic positions are determined by a small number of maximally simple constructional statements
Welsh clausal i and the hierarchical lexicon
A number of types of Welsh subordinate clause are introduced by what looks like the preposition i `to\u27, `for\u27. Earlier research has shown that there are three different lexemes here. It is not unusual for a language to have homophonous lexemes, but these lexemes share a variety of properties, and also share properties with the preposition i. The similarities and the differences among these lexemes can be captured if they are grouped together as four different realisations of a single `super-lexeme\u27 within the hierarchical lexicon
Morphotactic competition in Murrinh-Patha: Rule composition and rule interaction in Information-based Morphology
Murrinh-Patha, a
polysynthetic Non-Pama-Nyungan language of Australia features
competition of subject and object agreement markers for a particular
position (i.e. slot 2), meaning that certain subject agreement markers
are realised in this position, unless already occupied by overt object
agreement markers. In their typology of variable morphotactics,
Crysmann & Bonami (2016) cite the case of Murrinh-Patha as an instance
of misaligned, conditioned placement. I shall propose a formal account
of this positional competition in Murrinh-Patha within
Information-based Morphology. To this end, I shall generalise the
“pivot” features previously proposed for placement relative to the
stem (Italian; Crysmann & Bonami, 2016) or the edge (Sorani Kurdish;
Bonami & Crysmann, 2013; Salehi & Koenig, 2023) and show how this will
facilitate the treatment of conditioned placement in Murrinh-Patha
Generation of MRS Abstract Predicates from Paninian USR
Semantic Representations become useful resources for various multilingual NLP applications such as Machine Translation, Multilingual Generation, cross Lingual QA, to name a few. No Semantic Representation, to our knowledge, adopts vivakṣā (Speaker’s intention) as a guiding principle for the representation. This motivates us to develop a new Semantic Representation system – Universal Semantic Representation (USR) – following Indian Grammatical Tradition (IGT) and Paninian grammar. Since USR is designed to be language-independent, we have currently taken up the task of generating English, Hindi, Tamil and Bangla from the USR. For English generation, the USR is mapped to ERG meaning representation (Flickinger, D. 1999) which is couched in Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS). We use an off-the-shelf ACE generator that uses ERG as a resource-grammar for generating English. While designing the transfer module from USR to ERG-based MRS, we came across various Abstract Predicates (APs) in MRS representation as described in ErgSemantics_Basic (Flickinger et al., 2014). These APs are used to represent the semantic contribution of grammatical constructions or more specialized lexical entries such as compounding or the comparative use of more and so on. This paper presents the strategy for postulating the APs from the information given in USR and then reports the implementation of the transfer module keeping the focus on the postulation of APs. We get around 95% accuracy in postulating APs from USR