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    Why neighbors matter in the energy transition:The diffusion of social practices, technologies, and knowledge between municipalities

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    The energy transition requires new conceptual frames to understand the emergence of new spatial patterns and developing new geographies of energy. This article uses Hungary as a case study to examine the role of spatial dependency for the household energy mix, especially for traditional heating fuels, and the adoption of modern technologies such as heat pumps, solar collectors and panels. Theoretically, the article expands the use of the energy ladder, and understanding of social practices around energy technology diffusion. The Global and Local Moran I are used to test for the spatial autocorrelation, to identify hot and cold spots of different fuels, and for clustering the municipalities. Spatial (LAG) model is developed to determine the main drivers of the low-quality fuel use. The results indicate that beyond socio-economic indicators, spatial location also has a significant impact on household energy use and households with a similar energy mix are spatially concentrated. Municipalities, just as households, occupy different levels of the energy ladder. These findings confirm the need for spatially concentrated and localized energy policies for the just energy transition

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    Hyman, Ryle, and the Unity of Knowledge

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    In a number of papers and a book over the past thirty years, John Hyman has developed a unified account of knowledge that builds on Gilbert Ryle and Ludwig Wittgenstein's conceptions of knowledge as closely linked to ‘ability’. On Hyman's account, knowledge that p is the ability to be guided by the fact that p. In recent work, he has argued that such a notion of factual knowledge makes Ryle's notion of knowledge-how superfluous: knowledge-how, for Hyman, just is such factual knowledge. This paper defends Ryle against these arguments, in part by bringing out an unnoticed aspect of Ryle's discussions of knowledge-that: namely, that he discusses two distinct notions of knowledge-that, only one of which he himself endorses. In investigating this notion of knowledge-that, as well as Ryle's arguments for the claim that knowledge-how is logically prior to such knowledge-that, it is argued both that Hyman's arguments against Ryle fail - meaning that his attempt to unify knowledge-how and knowledge-that is unsuccessful - and that he lacks a plausible response to Ryle's logical priority arguments

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    Double standards in international criminal law after the ‘Ukraine Moment’:Is the glass half full or half empty?

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    Two competing narratives about the state of international criminal law have coalesced after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Some observers applaud the International Criminal Court’s investigation in Ukraine, advocacy for an ad hoc aggression tribunal, and domestic trials before Ukrainian and foreign courts. Others point to the same initiatives to emphasise double standards, including Western states’ self-interested accountability policies, disproportionate attention to European victims, and continued impunity for Western violations of international law. Drawing on debates after the 2022 ‘Ukraine moment’ coupled with critiques from the post-2023 Gaza war, this chapter identifies six allegations of double standards in international criminal law before differentiating persuasive allegations of inconsistencies, directed primarily at some states, from inconsistent or unpersuasive critiques that, notably, target the International Criminal Court or promote ‘victimhood competition’. Embracing a post-colonial Eastern European perspective, this chapter argues that the post-2022 accountability landscape is better understood as a moment of opportunity than decline. However, with selective regional enforcement in international criminal law becoming the norm in an era of waning Western power and growing multipolarity, assessing double standards may require different benchmarks than the universalist assumptions that have hitherto dominated in commentary and scholarship

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    Joint action partners modulate the first step of an action sequence to communicate a distal goal

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    When two co-actors perform a joint action, they often communicatively modulate their instrumental actions so as to facilitate each other's predictions of their immediate, proximal goals. Here, we ask whether co-actors would also engage in such “sensorimotor communication” for distal goals, specifically those that result from a two-step action sequence. To address this question, we asked pairs of participants to work together to deliver an animated box to one of two delivery locations displayed on a computer screen. This was done in two sequential steps such that one participant (“Sender”) performed the first step and the other (“Receiver”) performed the second step. Crucially, only the Sender was informed about the correct delivery location. Therefore, we expected Senders to modulate their movement to inform Receivers, who could observe them moving, about the correct location. Experiment 1 confirmed that Senders indeed modulated the timing of their movements to disambiguate between delivery locations. The stronger these modulations, the better they were understood by Receivers, thereby increasing coordination success. In Experiment 2, we explored how pairs agree on communicative mappings, and how such mappings develop as a result of alternating the roles of Sender and Receiver. Experiment 2 showed that communicative attempts that occur early on in the interaction are key to coordination success. Together, the present findings show that joint action partners produce and perceive temporal modulations of the first part of an action sequence, thereby facilitating the prediction of its distal goal which, in turn, enables successful coordination

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    Partisan cueing and preferences for fiscal integration in the European Union

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    Can political parties steer public preferences for highly contested issues? European integration has become increasingly politicised, forcing governments to heed constituents’ preferences during international negotiations. Existing research suggests that parties can cue their voters, but it remains unclear whether public opinion responds to partisan cues on contentious, real-world European policies that directly affect national autonomy. To study the effects of in- and out-party cues on public preferences, we conducted a pre-registered information treatment experiment in five countries utilising real-world treatments that avoid deception while limiting the problem of pre-treatment. Applied to the case of joint European debt, we find that political parties can shape public opinion on fiscal integration, as both in- and out-party cues affect preferences. While this study focuses on EU politics, it has important implications for research on attitudes towards international cooperation more broadly

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