Scholarly Commons@CWRU

Poerschke, David

Discussions 
Volume 2 Issue 1 Article 5 
2023 
Parametric Study of a Nd Yag Laser Beam Interaction with 
Graphite 
David Poerschke 
Case Western Reserve University 
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Poerschke, David (2023) "Parametric Study of a Nd Yag Laser Beam Interaction with Graphite," 
Discussions: Vol. 2: Iss. 1, Article 5. 
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English

Parametric Study of a Nd Yag Laser Beam Interaction with Graphite

Bhatt, Himali

Discussions 
Volume 5 Issue 1 Article 1 
Celiac Disease: A Maladaptive Mismatch to Current Lifestyles 
Himali Bhatt 
Case Western Reserve University 
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Bhatt, Himali () "Celiac Disease: A Maladaptive Mismatch to Current Lifestyles," Discussions: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, 
Article 1. 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.28953/2997-2582.1093 
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Celiac Disease: A Maladaptive  Mismatch to Current Lifestyles

Kittoe, Amanda

Covariation in Limb-limb and Limb-trunk  Proportions in Whites and Blacks and Males in  Females using the Hamann-Todd Collection,  Cleveland Museum of Natural History

Miller, Ryan

Discussions 
Volume 5 Issue 2 Article 4 
2024 
Effects of Simulated Deer Browsing Intensity and Fragmentation 
on Regenerative Dynamics of Acer saccharum Marsh. (Sugar 
Maple) Plants in Temperate Forests 
Ryan Miller 
Case Western Reserve University 
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Miller, Ryan (2024) "Effects of Simulated Deer Browsing Intensity and Fragmentation on Regenerative 
Dynamics of Acer saccharum Marsh. (Sugar Maple) Plants in Temperate Forests," Discussions: Vol. 5: Iss. 
2, Article 4. 
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Effects of Simulated Deer Browsing  Intensity and Fragmentation on  Regenerative Dynamics of Acer  saccharum Marsh. (Sugar Maple)  Plants in Temperate Forests

https://commons.case.edu/joe-gallery/1002/thumbnail.jp

Saw, Jessica

Discussions 
Volume 7 Issue 2 Article 1 
Patients' Perspective on Communication: Elderly Cancer 
Survivors' Experiences with Their Doctors 
Jessica Saw 
Oberlin College 
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Saw, Jessica () "Patients' Perspective on Communication: Elderly Cancer Survivors' Experiences with 
Their Doctors," Discussions: Vol. 7: Iss. 2, Article 1. 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.28953/2997-2582.1130 
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Patients\u27 Perspective on  Communication:  Elderly  Cancer Survivors\u27  Experiences with Their Doctors

Chowdhry, Saba

Discussions 
Volume 8 Issue 1 Article 5 
Critique of Mandler's Theory of Perceptual Analysis 
Saba Chowdhry 
Case Western Reserve University 
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5. 
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Critique of Mandler\u27s Theory  of Perceptual Analysis

Sakellariou, Alexandra

Discussions 
Volume 13 Issue 1 Article 4 
The Downside of the Economic Miracle: China’s Economic Reform 
and the Increase in Sex Trafficking 
Alexandra Sakellariou 
McGill University 
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Recommended Citation 
Sakellariou, Alexandra () "The Downside of the Economic Miracle: China’s Economic Reform and the 
Increase in Sex Trafficking," Discussions: Vol. 13: Iss. 1, Article 4. 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.28953/2997-2582.1154 
Available at: https://commons.case.edu/discussions/vol13/iss1/4 
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DISCUSSIONS28
Alexandra Sakellariou - McGill University
Re
se
ar
ch
BIOGRAPHY
Alexandra is currently completing a Bachelor’s of Arts Degree at McGill University in Joint Honors Political 
Science and Philosophy with a Minor in Sexual Diversity Studies. She is originally from White Rock, British 
Columbia. Alexandra has had academic papers published by McGill University, Penn State, The University of 
Victoria, and of course Case Western Reserve University. She hopes to one day pursue a career in the legal field. 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Alexandra would like to thank her professors and mentors at McGill University for making this paper possible 
and inspiring her to submit it to publication. She would also like to thank her friends and family who have 
supported her throughout her academic endeavours. Without their love and support, this paper would not have 
been possible. 
The Downside of the Economic 
Miracle: China’s Economic 
Reform and the Increase in Sex 
Trafficking
VOLUME XIII - ISSUE II 29
THE DOWNSIDE OF AN ECONOMIC MIRACLE
A Brief Overview of Sex Trafficking
According to the United States’ Trafficking 
Victims Protection Act of 2000, sex traffick-
ing is “the recruitment, harbouring, transpor-
tation, provision, or obtaining of a person for 
the purpose of a commercial sex act” (Tiefen-
brun, 2002).  The use of “sex trafficking vic-
tims” here will refer to both those who have 
been coerced unwillingly into the industry and 
those who voluntarily joined but now work 
under unanticipated, inhumane conditions. It 
is difficult to empirically estimate the num-
ber of victims who work in the sex traffick-
ing industry due to its clandestine nature and 
the stigma attached to sex work (Tiefenbrun, 
2002). In fact, multiple scholars emphasize 
that sex trafficking continues to grow signifi-
cantly each year on a global scale (Tiefenbrun, 
2002; Finckenauer & Chin, 2011; Rozelle, Dong, 
Zhang, & Mason, 2002). Reports for the Unit-
ed Nations Inter-Agency on Human Traffick-
ing emphasize that there has been a drastic 
increase in sex trafficking within China since 
the 1980s and anticipate that that it will only 
continue to rise (Tiefenbrun, 2002). 
Many scholars attribute the increase in sex-
trafficking in China to economic factors. In 
particular, James O. Finckenauer and Ko-lin 
Chin concluded that economic factors are 
the leading reason women enter the indus-
try based on the results of a study they con-
ducted between December 2006 and August 
2008. Inspired by the increasing rates of Chi-
nese sex trafficking observed since the ear-
ly 1980s, they conducted research into the 
illicit movement of women from China to 
destination countries in order to assess the 
complications supporting this industry. They 
carried out over 350 face-to-face interviews 
with involved women as well as prostitution 
ringleaders, government actors, and law en-
forcement personnel. They found 75% of the 
women interviewed claimed to have entered 
the industry voluntarily, though under the 
impression they would be doing alternative 
work in better conditions.  More importantly, 
they found economic factors were the leading 
force influencing women’s decisions to 
enter the industry. The authors explain, “the 
women’s decision making was bounded- con-
strained or restricted- by their social, physi-
cal, and situational context, and their percep-
tion of those contexts” (Finckenauer & Chin, 
2011).  The lack of occupational and economic 
opportunity for women in China is the pri-
mary reason they are forced to turn to such 
unfavorable industries to support themselves 
(Finckenauer & Chin, 2011).  The authors em-
phasize that greater economic opportunity 
for women in China would greatly reduce the 
number of women turning towards and be-
coming victimized by the industry.  
This raises the question as to why women in 
contemporary China are left in such a dire 
economic state that they must turn to these 
kinds of illicit activities. The Chinese econ-
omy experienced somewhat of an econom-
ic miracle in the late 1970s, when a series of 
reforms were introduced that initiated rapid 
economic growth. These economic reforms 
led to an increase in gender inequality in the 
workforce, effectively marginalizing wom-
en and forcing them to look for alternative 
sources of income. 
The Chinese Economic Miracle and 
Gender Wage Gap
Gender inequality was exacerbated during 
the economic reforms, even though the previ-
ous regime had been working to do the exact 
opposite. The Maoist Era, which lasted from 
1940-1976, worked to increase gender equal-
ity. For instance, women were encouraged to 
fully participate in the labor force to advance 
their status. Women’s employment in the ur-
ban sector increased from 7.5% to 32.9% from 
1949 to 1978, and women were often employed 
full-time with the same benefits and entitle-
ments afforded to men. At the same time, 
women faced considerable marginalization in 
the workforce as gender segregation was still 
prevalent. Women were 
DISCUSSIONS30
RESEARCH
often only hired in low-level administrative 
jobs, despite their qualifications, which of-
fered less pay and benefits than male-dom-
inated jobs (Dong and Zhang, 2009). Never-
theless, gender equality was experiencing an 
overall positive trend during this era. How-
ever, this all changed when the government 
became increasingly focused on establishing 
a market-oriented economy. 
Beginning in 1978, the Chinese government 
introduced a series of market-oriented re-
forms, aiming to help the economy global-
ize and decentralize (Mah, 2013). The reform 
primarily targeted the rural sector, causing 
dramatic economic growth. As Justin Yifu Lin 
(1992) explains, “growth rates in all major sec-
tors of agriculture were accelerated to levels 
several times higher than long-term averag-
es over the preceding period” (p. 34). There 
were two general phases to the reform. The 
first, lasting from 1978-1984, saw the decol-
lectivization of agriculture and an increase in 
foreign investment such as the contracting 
of many state-owned industries. The second 
stage, introduced in 1985, effectively lifted 
many protectionist policies and price con-
trols as well as privatized many state-owned 
industries (Lin, 1992). These reforms led to a 
massive boom in the economy, which con-
tinues to influence the country. While these 
reforms were successful, they also impacted 
gender inequality. 
When the regime changed in 1976 and began 
reforming the economy, the ‘equality of gen-
ders’ approach that Mao’s communist regime 
had previously taken was no longer import-
ant (Dong and Zhang, 2009). As a result, there 
was an increase in the wage gap between men 
and women. In 2002, Scott Rozelle et al. con-
ducted empirical research into the impact the 
market reforms had on the gender earning 
gaps.  From 1988 to1995, the wage gap was 
most stark for women in the labor and indus-
trial sectors. For example, in 1988, women’s 
wages were 29% lower than their male coun-
terparts and this rose to a 45.7% gap by 1995 
(Rozelle et al., 2002). The wage gap was more 
apparent in the urban sector in comparison 
to the rural. The authors explain that it is “...
unsurprising that that state of women in the 
urban sector fell further because they had re-
ceived more protection from the government 
under the Socialist rubric of gender equali-
ty...” (Rozelle et al., 2002, p. 177). The lack of 
attention the reformist government gave to 
enhancing women’s status allowed the gender 
wage gap to rapidly increase. 
Scholars emphasize that a gender wage gap 
is an anticipated consequence of reform that 
seeks to alter the economy. Bjorn Gustafsson 
and Shi Li (2000) explain that the increasing 
wage gap was possible because the reform 
gave more power to enterprises. Econom-
ic reforms removed barriers that prevented 
the non-state sector, composed primarily of 
collective enterprises as well as private firms, 
joint-ventures, and the self-employed from 
growing (Gustafsson & Li, 2000). The enter-
prises now had the power to regulate who they 
were hiring and how much they would pay. 
In another study, Stephanie Seguino (2000) 
demonstrates that the wage gap is essentially 
a strategic economic tool that employers may 
be inclined to utilize as it can actually speed up 
economic growth. Seguino looked at the eco-
nomic growth and wages of several semi-in-
dustrialized countries between 1975 to 1995, 
noting an increase in wage gap for most of 
“A country with traditional 
patriarchal values, such as China, 
is likely to propagate those values 
in the workforce, thus supporting a 
gender wage gap. ”
“The lack of attention the reform-
ist government gave to enhancing 
women’s status allowed the gen-
der wage gap to rapidly increase.”
VOLUME XIII - ISSUE II 31
THE DOWNSIDE OF AN ECONOMIC MIRACLE
them. She explains, “gender inequality stim-
ulates investment, but also enhances the pro-
ductivity of investment, possibly through the 
effect that low wages for women has on ex-
ports and therefore technology imports” (Se-
guino, 2000, p. 1223). Gender wage inequality 
is a strategic macroeconomic move, as female 
laborers are not as valuable in the workforce 
because of the time and energy they devote 
to the domestic and reproductive sector (Se-
guino, 2000). Traditional Confucian values 
that view women as inferior to men still per-
meate throughout Chinese society (Fincke-
nauer & Chin, 2011). A country with traditional 
patriarchal values, such as China, is likely to 
propagate those values in the workforce, thus 
supporting a gender wage gap. 
The Wage Gap and Rates of Chinese 
Female Sex Trafficking
There is a distinct association between the 
increasing wage gap and the rate of Chinese 
women entering the sex trafficking industry. 
The increasing wage gap jeopardizes the abil-
ity of women to economically support them-
selves in the traditional labor market (Rozelle 
et al., 2002). With the majority of women cit-
ing economic reasons for entering the indus-
try, as demonstrated by Finckenauer and Chin 
(2011), it is strongly suggested that the gender 
wage disparity has helped leave women more 
susceptible to entering the industry. The re-
organization of the economy and resulting 
labor market limited women’s opportunities. 
Finckenauer and Chin (2011) explain, “the la-
bor market is structured in a way that compels 
many women towards the eventual career of 
prostitution- women are not fit for most de-
manding employment opportunities” (p. 51). 
These structural limitations impact women 
at all levels of society. The researchers not-
ed that most women did not share common 
background characteristics before entering 
the industry. They varied in age, education, 
family or marital status, and work experience. 
Instead, the commonality between all of them 
was that they found themselves in unsustain-
able financial situations (Finckenauer & Chin, 
2011). The structural limitations women faced 
compelled them to consider options outside 
of the legal economy to support themselves, 
leading many women into illicit industries 
such as sex trafficking. 
At the same time, it is important to recognize 
that the economic situation of women is not 
solely responsible for the increase in sex traf-
ficking. For example, traditional Confucian 
views of women as inferior to men still per-
meate China’s social, economic, and political 
spheres. Finckenauer and Chin (2011) explain, 
“traditional Chinese views of women as being 
subordinate to men have re-emerged, putting 
women in a less advantaged position than be-
fore” (p. 49).  This affects the perceived value 
of women’s work in the labor force, and, thus, 
their ability to be as economically successful 
as men. Traditional views also pervade the 
home environment, with many families treat-
ing daughters as inferior to sons, furthering 
limiting women’s opportunities from a young 
age (Finckenauer & Chin, 2011). In addition, 
there is also a growing demand for women 
for marriage and domestic slavery that China 
has yet to address. Finckenauer & Chin (2011) 
attribute this demand to two general caus-
es: first, the rapid growth of sex tourism has 
made China one of the key destination coun-
tries for trafficking in the world; second, the 
One-Child Policy, which has increased female 
infanticide, which has led to a higher popula-
tion of men in the country. 
“The structural limitations women 
faced compelled them to consider 
options outside of the legal 
economy to support themselves, 
leading many women into illicit
 industries such as sex trafficking.”
DISCUSSIONS32
RESEARCH
Resolving The Sex Trafficking Crisis
There are a wide range of approaches the 
Chinese government could take to decrease 
both the wage gap and rate of women’s in-
volvement in sex trafficking. Most important-
ly, as Finckenauer and Chin (2011) emphasize, 
the government must increase economic op-
portunities for women. This should include 
the introduction and enforcement of policies 
that prevent hiring discrimination based on 
gender and enforce equal wages for men and 
women (Tiefenbrun, 2002). China currently 
has specific laws that work to mitigate gender 
inequality in the workforce. For example, the 
Labour Law and Regulations on the Scope of 
Prohibited Labour for Female Workers pre-
vents women from working in certain jobs 
seen as only fit for men (Tiefenbrun, 2002). 
Discriminatory laws such as these should be 
removed. Moreover, the government could 
introduce gender-based quotas. 
Beyond the economy, many scholars em-
phasize the need for China to strengthen its 
laws and increase punishments regarding 
sex trafficking, noting there has been a lack 
of enforcement of the existing, but weak, 
laws (Tiefenbrun, 2002; Finckenauer & Chin, 
2011; Rozelle et al., 2002). For any of these 
approaches to succeed in increasing gender 
equality, the government should take a much 
more active role in the labor market and 
economy, similar to the strategy employed 
under Mao. Effective measures to reduce the 
amount of women who are susceptible to par-
ticipation and involvement in sex trafficking is 
crucial in order to combat this phenomenon. 
It is imperative that the Chinese government 
take effective measures to address this issue 
before this heinous industry has a chance to 
negatively impact the lives of countless other 
women.  
References
Dong, X. & Zhang, L. (2009). Economic transition and gen-
der differentials in wages and productivity: Evidence from 
Chinese manufacturing enterprises. Journal of Development 
Economics, 88, 144-156. doi:10.1016/j.jdeveco.2008.02.006 
Finckenauer, J. O. & Chin, K. (2011). Researching and rethink-
ing sex trafficking: The movement of Chinese women to Asia 
and the United States for commercial sex. National Institute 
of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of 
Justice, 1-204. Retrieved from https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdf-
files1/nij/grants/233583.pdf 
Gustafsson, B. & Li, S. (2000). Economic transformation and 
the gender earnings gap in urban China. Journal of Popula-
tion Economics, 13(2), 305-329. Retrieved from http://www.
jstor.org/stable/20007717  
Lin, J. Y. (1992). Rural reforms and agricultural growth in Chi-
na. The American Economic Review, 82(1), 34-51. Retrieved 
from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2117601 
Mah, J. S. (2013). Globalization, decentralization, and income 
inequality: The case of China. Economic Modelling, 31, 653-
658. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econmod.2012.09.054 
Rozelle, S., Dong, X., Zhang, L., & Mason, A. (2002). Gender 
wage gaps in post-reform rural China. Pacific Economic Re-
view, 7(1), 157-179. doi:10.1111/1468-0106.00009 
Seguino, S. (2000). Gender inequality and economic growth: 
A cross-country analysis. World Development, 28(7), 1211-
1230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0305-750X(00)00018-8 
Tiefenbrun, S. W. (2002). Sex sells but drugs don’t talk: Traf-
ficking of women sex workers and an economic solution. 
Thomas Jefferson Law Review, 24(149), 161-189. Retrieved 
from http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.jour-
nals/tjeflr24&id=&page=&collection=journals&id=170 
“Effective measures to reduce the 
amount of women who are sus-
ceptible to participation and in-
volvement in sex trafficking is 
crucial in order to combat this phe-
nomenon.”


The Downside of the Economic Miracle: China’s Economic Reform and the Increase in Sex Trafficking

Mistry, Viral

Discussions 
Volume 14 Issue 4 Article 1 
Faculty Spotlight: Dr. Lee Hoffer 
Viral Mistry 
Case Western Reserve University 
Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.case.edu/discussions 
Recommended Citation 
Mistry, Viral () "Faculty Spotlight: Dr. Lee Hoffer," Discussions: Vol. 14: Iss. 4, Article 1. 
DOI: https://doi.org/10.28953/2997-2582.1161 
Available at: https://commons.case.edu/discussions/vol14/iss4/1 
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research Office at Scholarly 
Commons @ Case Western Reserve University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Discussions by an authorized 
editor of Scholarly Commons @ Case Western Reserve University. For more information, please contact 
digitalcommons@case.edu. 
Faculty Spotlight
VOLUME XIV - ISSUE IV 5
Dr.Hoffer is an Associate Professor in the Department 
of Anthropology and a Professor in the CWRU School 
of Medicine Department of Psychiatry. In this 
interview, he discusses his research background, 
his take on the opiate epidemic, and the ways we 
discuss illicit and illegal drugs.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity with 
Dr. Hoffer’s consent.
Could you start by telling us about the 
research you’ve been doing, and what your 
focus is on campus?
Since I started work in 1993, I’ve been 
interested in substance use disorder, and how 
people who are not in treatment use drugs. 
I work primarily on “hard” drugs, like heroin 
or cocaine, but I’ve also done studies on club 
drugs, study drugs, and inhalants. I’m a medical 
anthropologist, so my primary methodology 
is ethnography. In ethnographic research, 
we go out into the field, talk to people in 
their natural environment, understand their 
lifestyle, and let them be the experts. We also 
observe what is happening around them. In 
the nine years I’ve been working at CWRU, 
I’ve primarily focused on the opiate epidemic, 
specifically on heroin use, and how things are 
changing with that, but also generally on how 
people understand their use and what their 
daily life is like.
What got you into this field of study?
I wish there was this grandiose story behind 
it, but the truth is, when I was in graduate 
school, one of my professors told me about 
research project that was looking for a survey 
interviewer. They were working on HIV 
prevention research, interviewing active users 
about their risk behaviors. I did that, and I 
found it really interesting, and I found talking 
to the users to be the most interesting. It felt 
really genuine, the conversations were really 
free-flowing, and it cemented my desire to 
do anthropology research. The thing that still 
keeps me going is the people I meet. There’s a 
lot of media that demonizes drug users; that 
they’re all dangerous and violent. But most of 
the people I meet are nothing like that, and 
it’s working with them that keeps me wanting 
to keep doing this work and inform the public 
and the scientific community.
What are you currently working on?
In the last 15 years or so, I’ve focused on 
collecting qualitative data on drug use, usually 
from fairly personal interviews that I get only 
after spending time building a rapport with 
Lee Hoffer
An interview with
by Viral Mistry
“There’s a lot of media that 
demonizes drug users; that 
they’re all dangerous and violent. 
But most of the people I meet are 
nothing like that, and it’s working 
with them that keeps me wanting 
to keep doing this work and 
inform the public and the scientific 
community.”
Photo supplied by Dr.Hoffer
DISCUSSIONS6
people. In the last few years, I’ve focused on 
presenting that data in different ways. I use 
a complex-systems theory approach, trying 
to understand the interactions as they move 
from a micro to a macro level. To do this, I 
create agent-based models, where the agents 
represent users or dealers or all different 
roles, who interact with other agents, and we 
look at all of them interacting together. I’m 
currently working on a grant on trying to use 
this modeling approach to get a better sense 
for the demand for opiates. I ask questions 
like how is the market changing around the 
distribution of the drug, or the use of the 
drug?  So basically, I create computer models 
of drug markets.
So when you are trying to understand this 
network, you do so by talking to people, and 
understanding them?
Basically, yes. When you think and learn about 
an economy or a market, the appropriate 
literature is rarely focused on the activity of 
individuals. They are applying models on a set 
of assumptions. Here, we are talking to people 
about their interactions, and use that as a 
way to reproduce the model in a computer. 
For example, an important question in drug 
markets is access. If I were to tell you to try 
and go buy heroin, it’s gonna be much harder 
for you than if I told you to go buy groceries. 
And for heroin, it’s similar to how people buy 
marijuana; people access it from people they 
know who use the drug. We often see that 
users buy drugs from other users, who are 
buying from other users or from dealers. So 
we look at these relationships, and we build a 
network to understand consumption.
So you focus on the illegal heroin market, 
but the key problem in the current opiate 
epidemic has been the intersection of that 
illegal market with the legal, prescription 
opioid market. Can you talk about that?
So two years ago, I sat on a National Academies 
panel discussing that very topic, and from that 
came a report, titled Pain Management and 
the Opioid Epidemic: Balancing Societal and 
Individual Benefits and Risks of Prescription 
Opioid Use. We were trying to go from 
understanding pain diagnostically to the 
opiate epidemic. It’s a very complex topic, but 
essentially, as a response to medical trends, 
there has been an overprescription of opioids, 
something that was reinforced by both 
consumer groups and consumers. After all, if 
you’re in pain, and I’ve got a pill that can make 
it go away, you are going to want the pill, right? 
This got out of control, for various reasons 
that are outlined in the report, and we ended 
up with an enormous number of people who 
were using an enormous number of opiate 
medications. Many of these people have 
serious, chronic pain issues, but the problem 
is these medications are not efficacious long-
term, because people develop a tolerance 
to them. So a lot of the people I’ve been 
meeting here, since I moved here in 2008, 
have already moved from prescription opiates 
to heroin. Heroin is cheaper and it kills their 
pain more effectively. Since then, there have 
been changes that further promote heroin. 
For example, when you clamp down on opioid 
prescriptions, some of those people will switch 
to heroin. The data shows only about 3% of 
opioid users will switch to heroin use, but since 
the number of people with prescriptions was 
so large, that 3% grew exponentially. Since the 
population has grown so much, we see that 
even heroin isn’t enough, and we see the use 
of much more potent derivatives of heroin, like 
fentanyl and carfentanil. Unfortunately, these 
drugs are being mixed with heroin without the 
user realizing it, which is rapidly increasing 
the mortality rate for overdose. The wide 
variation in the large market is causing that.
“If I were to tell you to try and go 
buy heroin, it’s gonna be much 
harder for you than if I told you to 
go buy groceries.”
VOLUME XIV- ISSUE IV 7
This is clearly a complex issue, but have 
you been involved with any attempts to 
change policy, or are you more focused on 
understanding the issue at hand?
So the report I co-authored has about a 
dozen policy recommendations in it, as it 
was commissioned by the Food and Drug 
Administration. It is a good example of how 
my research on the street can influence policy. 
But it is hard to make policy changes, because 
there are a lot of stakeholders involved. If 
you make one change in one part, it can have 
many effects all over the place. For example, 
you can try to cut down on prescriptions 
of opiates, in the long term that will be 
helpful, but in the short term that can create 
problems. There have been pushes for more 
medication-assisted treatment, and I’ll all for 
that, but there are a lot of users who are not 
A Selection of Lee Hoffer’s Work
(2017) McKay V, Dolcini M.M., Hoffer L. The Dynamics of De-adoption: a case study of policy change, de-adoption, and 
replacement of an evidence-based HIV intervention. Behav. Med. Pract. Policy Res. doi:10.1007/s13142-017-0493-1
(2016) Hoffer, LD. The Space Between Community and Self-Interest: Conflict and the Experience of Exchange in Heroin 
Markets. The Economics of Ecology, Exchange, and Adaptation: Anthropological Explorations Research in Economic Anthropology. 
(36):167-196. ISSN: 0190-1281/doi:10.1108/S0190-128120160000036007.
 (2012) Hoffer LD, Bobashev G, and Morris RJ. Simulating Patterns of Heroin Addiction within the Social Context of a Local 
Heroin Market. (In) Computational Neuroscience of Drug Addiction. Gutkin & Ahmed (Eds.) New York: Springer.
interested in treatment, so what do you do for 
them? My perspective is that harm reduction 
is the most important feature of solving this 
problem. Needle exchanges, safe injection 
rooms, we really have to push the envelope 
to make a connection with people who aren’t 
going to just walk into a clinic.
What would you say to a student interested 
in anthropology research, who wants to 
learn more?
Take my anthropology methods class! I also 
teach an illegal drugs in society class, where 
we cover all major illegal drugs. I think it’s 
important for students to be educated on 
these topics; college age students have been 
taught a lot of misinformation about drugs, 
from the D.A.R.E. program to the media they 
consume, to the nightly news. Having that 
basic knowledge is really important, even 
if you aren’t going to go into it any further, 
and if you are, that’s where you start. I’ve 
had students contact me, telling me they are 
interested in this topic because it has affected 
their friends and family. First, you need to get 
educated, and then figure out what part of the 
problem you want to tackle. There are a lot 
of different topics to tackle, and students can 
and do help.
“My perspective is that harm 
reduction is the most important 
feature of solving this problem. 
Needle exchanges, safe injection 
rooms, we really have to push the 
envelope to make a connection 
with people who aren’t going to 
just walk into a clinic.”


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Parametric Study of a Nd Yag Laser Beam Interaction with Graphite

Celiac Disease: A Maladaptive Mismatch to Current Lifestyles

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Faculty Spotlight: Dr. Lee Hoffer

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