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Osnovne karakteristike zatvorskog sistema u Nemačkoj
Get PDFIn this article, the author gives us a survey of a penitentiary system from the point of view of the legal regulation, the jurisdiction of federal state and provinces in the sense of the execution of criminal sanctions. In the text it is described the organization of prison system in Germany. It is also presented the way of managing, agencies that are existed in Germany and problems in the functioning the system. In Germany, nowadays there are more than 78.000 prisoners. There is a tendency of increasing the number of prisoners, especially when the word is about those who use drugs. The special problem is the number of foreigners, that make more than 35% of the whole popilation in prisons.U radu „Osnovne karakteristike zatvorskog sistema u Nemačkoj”, autor daje prikaz zatvorskog sistema sa aspekta pravne regulative, nadležnosti savezne države, odnosno pokrajina, u oblasti izvršenja krivičnih sankcija..U radu je prikazana organizacija zatvorskog sistema, način rukovodjenja zatvorima, službe, problemi i stanje u zatvorima i sl .Takođe, autor daje najnovije podatke o strukturi osudjeničke populacije i navodi da se , trenutno, u Nemačkim zatvorima nalazi 78.581 zatvorenik. Nemački zatvorski sistem karakteriše tendencija zatvorski sistem karakteriše tendencija permanentnog povećava kategorija osuđenika koja je zavisna od alkoholizma i narkomanije, kao i nasilnička populacija, pa tako ove kategorije osuđenika predstavljaju i najveći problem u radu i funkcionisanju sistema. Kao i u većini zatvorskih sistema, tako i u nemačkim zatvorima sve je veća prenatrpanost zatvora što dovodi do sve složenije bezbedonosne situacije.Poseban problem predstavlja povećanje stranaca koji čine više od jedne trećine ukupne populacije (oko 35%)
Nevolje sa uporednim pravom
Get PDFIn this article the author speaks about some theoretic but also practical problems which can arise in relation to the comparative law research. Here, in Serbia, a very frequent and usual phrase which can be heard lately is: “It is like that everywhere, it is like that in other countries.” Such a phrase seems like a fnal and strongest argument, that revokes any further analysis and any further attempt to evaluate on an objective way the foreign experiences and legal solutions. The comparative legal researches then become a non-critical copy of foreign legal solutions, so that the comparative law then fnds itself in the function of the current legal-making policy and ideology and much less for the need to research a problem in every sense and to expose to the legislator all the possible alternatives. In that sense, the author talks about a whole series of problems which can arise there, starting from the problems with the interpretation and understanding of law, especially of its totality, up to the studying of the practice of application of law, i.e. up to some general problems which are related to the globalization and unifcation of the law, and in relation to that to the cultural imperialism, neglecting of freedom, democracy and human rights.U ovom članku autor govori o nekim teorijskim, ali i praktičnim problemima, koji se mogu pojaviti u vezi sa uporednopravnim istraživanjima. Kod nas je naime u poslednje vreme veoma učestala i uobičajena rečenica koja se može čuti: „tako je svuda, tako je u drugim zemljama“. Ta vrsta rečenice deluje kao konačni, vrhovni argument, koji obesmišljava svaku dalju analizu i svaki pokušaj da se na objektivan način procene tuđa iskustva i tuđa pravna rešenja. Uporednapravna istraživanja tada postaju jedno nekritičko prepisivanje tuđih zakonskih rešenja, te se uporedno pravo tada nalazi u funkciji tekuće zakonodavne politike, a znatno manje u službi potrebe da se jedan problem svestrano istraži i pred zakonodavca eventualno izlože sve moguće alternative. Autor u tom smislu govori o čitavom nizu problema koji se tu mogu pojaviti, od problema u tumačenju i razumevanju prava, naročito njegove celine, do izučavanja prakse primene i neprimene prava, odnosno do nekih opštih problema koji se tiču globalizacije i unifkacije prava, te s tim u vezi i kulturnog imperijalizma, zanemarivanja slobode, demokratije i ljudskih prava
Rad direktora kompanija i njihova primanja - uporedni prikaz stanja u Nemačkoj, EU i Sjedinjenim Državama
No full textFundamental changes in the global economy have led to pronounced changes in executive remuneration practices worldwide. Remuneration for company directors has increased dramatically and has become a stumbling block. Various legal approaches have been developed to prevent excesses with regard to executive compensation. While in the past a material assessment of what is reasonable in the past a material assessment of what is reasonable compensation was deemed to be viable and appropriate, recent developments – especially high profle law proceedings – hint at the opposite. Thus, the regulatory focus has increasingly shifted to the pay-setting process. Moreover, recent developments in legislation demonstrate the preference of the law-makers for disclosure obligations. While all of these approaches have their advantages and disadvantages, establishing procedural requirements for the pay-setting process procedural requirements for the pay-setting process and introducing sophisticated disclosure rules are the “globalized” answer addressing the pronounced changes in executive remuneration practices.Suštinske promene u svetskoj ekonomiji dovele su do značajnih promena širom sveta u praksi pravnog uredjivanja primanja direktora kompanija. Primanja direktora su drastično porasla i postala predmet rasprave. Da bi se izbegla preterivanja po pitanju kompenzacije za rad direktora, pronadjena su različita pravna rešenja. Ranije su primanja direktora bila razumna i predstavljala su odgovarajuću nadoknadu za ostvareni rad, dok je u poslednje vreme, naročito kada se radi o pojedinim, izuzetnim, slučajevima od velikog značaja, tendencija upravo suprotna. Stoga se zakonodavac značajno preorijentisao na postupak namirenja. Sem toga, kod zakonodavaca su primećene odredjene tendencije i u pogledu uvodjenja obaveze otkrivanja informacija. Dok svi ovi pristupi imaju i prednosti i mane, ustanovljavanje procesnih zahteva za postupak namirenja i uvodjenje sofsticiranih pravila o otkrivanju informacija su “globalizovani” odgovor kroz koji se mogu sagledati značajne promene u praksi kojom se uredjuje materija primanja direktora
Pribavljanje listinga telefonskog pretplatničkog broja građanina – kontroverze u radu nacionalnih sistema bezbednosti
Get PDFThe need to conduct this research emerged due to vagueness relating to who has the authority to issue a warrant, and whether it is, in the frst place, necessary to have a warrant for obtaining the report on outgoing and incoming calls from/to subscriber’s phone number (slang – “metering”), and for what purposes – preventive or solely repressive. The paper presents some theoretical and practical aspects, as well as criminalistic-security aspect of the “metering” problem in the country and abroad. Starting premise in writing the paper is that it is necessary to concretely and unambiguously prescribe, with particular provision of Criminal Proceedings Legislation, the measure of obtaining the list of subscriber’s outgoing and incoming phone calls in fixed, mobile and any other form of communication. Possibilities of misuse and different interpretation of provisions that are considered to imply the use of metering, are large.Potreba da se izvede ovo istraživanje javila se nakon nejasnoća oko toga ko je ovlašćen da izda nalog i da li je uopšte potreban nalog za pribavljanje izveštaja odlazno-dolaznih poziva sa telefonskog pretplatničkog broja građanina (u žargonu – „metering“), i u koje svrhe – u preventivne ili isključivo u represivne. U radu su izložena neka znanja o teorijskim i praktičnim aspektima, te o pravnom i bezbednosno-kriminalističkom pogledu na problem „meteringa“ u svetu i kod nas. Polazna premisa u izradi rada bila je da je meru pribavljanja listinga odlazno-dolaznih poziva pretplatničkog telefonskog broja građanina, fksne, mobilne i svake druge komunikacije neophodno konkretno i nedvosmisleno propisati posebnom odredbom krivičnoprocesnog zakonodavstva. Ovo stoga što . Ovo stoga što su mogućnosti zloupotreba i raznolikost tumačenja odredbi za koje se smatra da podrazumevaju i primenu mere meteringa velike, iako se u njima to izričito ne navodi
Pravni transplanti i Srbijanski građanski zakonik iz 1844
Get PDFSerbian Civil Code was enacted in the year of 1844, being the frst civil code in Serbia and the fourth one to be enacted in Europe. It was a work of one man, Jovan Hadzic, Austrian scholar and Serb by origin. In 1837 during the autocratic reign of Prince Milos Obrenovic, he was invited to come to Serbia and help in writing civil code for Princedom of Serbia. Because of the very unstable political situation at that time, Hadzic’s work was delayed and eventually fnished in 1842. Then it waited for almost two years to be revised and fnally declared in 1844. In his work Hadzic used the Austrian Civil Code, and transplanted a large number of its legal solutions. He was widely criticized because of that action by Serbian scholars and law practitioners of that time (and later on by legal historians). But, free from all those critics, Serbian Civil Code has survived for a hundred years with only a few modifcations.
Today, in the fourth decade of expansion and wide acceptance of Alan Watson’s theory of “Legal transplants”, it is very interesting and challenging to face this theory with Serbian Civil Code of 1844. Deeper study of the Code shows that there are numerous transplants in it, mostly taken from the Austrian Civil Code, but also some were taken from French “Code Civil” and Roman law. Further studies of roots and reasons for these transplants tell us how Hadzic’s education and interests from his early youth took a large part in his judgment of what should be taken as a model for the Code. A closer look to some of the Serbian Civil Code’s articles demonstrates, as well, that some of the transplants were made unconsciously, without intention. Besides its many transplants, Serbian Civil Code is not a transplant in complete. There is noteworthy number of original norms that can be found in it.
If we summarize everything, we may conclude that Serbian Civil Code undoubtedly supports Watson’s theory that Savigny’s claims about Volksgeist (spirit of the people) and law evolution are not always true in the case of law development. Law is often being developed by borrowings from the other systems of law. In this case, transplantation from more advanced systems (Austrian Civil Code in the frst place) to less developed Serbian legal system was absolutely successful despite some critics. Time, as the supreme arbiter of values, has proven Serbian legal code to be a success - thanks to legal transplants.Srbijanski građanski zakonik je u vreme kada je donet, 1844. godine, zakonik je u vreme kada je donet, 1844. godine, bio prvi građanski zakonik u Srbiji i četvrti donet u Evropi. On je nastao kao plod rada jednog čoveka, Jovana Hadžića, austrijskog đaka srpskog porekla. 1837. godine, tokom autokratskog režima Miloša Obrenovića, Hadžić je pozvan da dođe u Srbiju kako bi sačinio građanski kodeks za Kneževinu Srbiju. Usled veoma nestabilne političke situacije u Srbiji toga vremena, rad na Zakoniku je odlagan i konačno završen 1842. godine. Posle pune dve godine unošenja raznih imena i ponovnih odlaganja, Srbijanski građanski zakonik je konačno stupio na snagu 1844. U svom radu, Hadžić se obilato služio Austrijskim građanskim zakonikom, iz koga je „transplantovao“ veliki broj pravnih rešenja. Zbog tog „transplantovanja“ on je žestoko kritikovan od strane srpskih pravnih teoretičara i pravne prakse tog vremena, a kasnije i od mnogobrojnih pravnih istoričara. No, ne ulazeći trenutno u opravdanost takvih kritika, činjenica je da je Srbijanski građanski zakonik „preživeo“ više od jednog veka sa svega nekoliko izmena.
Danas, u četvrtoj dekadi ekspanzije i sve šireg prihvatanja teorije „Pravnih transplanata“ Alana Votsona, veoma je interesantno suočiti ovaj uporedno-pravni pristup sa Srbijanskim građanskim zakonikom iz 1844. Dublja analiza zakonika pokazuje da u njemu postoji ogroman broj transplanata, u najvećem broju preuzetih iz Austrijskog građanskog zakonika, ali takođe i iz francuskog „Code Civil“, kao i iz rimskog prava. Dalja analiza korena i uzroka ovih transplanata pokazuje nam kako je u odabiru modela za Srbijanski građanski zakonik izuzetno značajnu ulogu odigralo Hadžićevo obrazovanje i interesovanja iz rane mladosti. Ukoliko malo bolje pogledamo određene članove Zakonika, lako je uočiti da su mnogi transplanti načinjeni nesvesno, to jest da su se pojedina pravna rešenja ušla u srpsko pravo devetnaestog veka kao posledica pukih slučajnosti. Bez obzira na zaista veliki broj pravnih „pozajmnica“ u Srbijanskom građanskom zakoniku, važno je istaći da on nije transplant u celosti. U njemu postoji itekako značajan broj potpuno originalnih odredaba.
Sve u svemu, možemo zaključiti da primer našeg Srbijanskog građanskog zakonika nesporno ide u prilog Votsonovoj tezi kako se Savinjijevim tvrdnjama o Volksgeist-u (narodnom duhu) i pravnoj evoluciji ne može uvek objasniti razvoj prava. Pravo jedne države se osim putem evolucije, često razvija i zahvaljujući pravnim „transplantima“, „pozajmnicama“ iz drugih pravnih sistema. U našem slučaju, transplantovanje iz razvijenijih pravnih sistema (prevashodno austrijskog) u manje razvijen srpski pravni sistem se pokazalo apsolutno uspešnim, uprkos kritikama nekih teoretičara. Vreme, kao vrhovni arbitar vrednosti, je pokazalo da je Srbijanski građanski zakonik bio veliki uspeh, zahvaljujući pravnim transplantima
Tranzicija javnih preduzeća u Mađarskoj: Pravno – fnansijski aspekti
Get PDFEx-socialist governments created an unselective scale of public enterprises that were controlled and bureaucratically managed by ideological coordinates. They preferred big enterprises with all economic activities organized in huge systems based on market emulation or illusion. Pre-1989 socialist states had small numbers of private enterprises like small craft workshops but no small businesses as we understand them employing 10 to 100 workers.
This paper covers the organization of public enterprises in the former socialist state Hungary. Former socialist states underwent a painful but inevitable transition process after the Berlin Wall came down in 1989 and the massive Communist illusion was lifted and brought the collapse of former regimes as the domino effect swathed through the states of Eastern Europe. In these countries the economies collapsed too, along with the public enterprises that were the causes and consequences of major upheaval after several unsuccessful decades of experimentation.
There is a whole spectrum of different kinds of public enterprises organized according to historical epochs, ideologies, geographic areas, economic systems or specifc states. The current era is characterized by the presence of many kinds of public enterprises that vary from state to state or from case to case. In order to gain a better understanding of the various types of public enterprises we have to organize them into two general groups of states and political systems: the developing states, including former socialist economies and states in transition, and developed industrial states with market economies. Of course this paper covers only the main represents of public enterprises in Hungary.
Looking at patterns of economic reform in ex-socialist state in the last decade of the Second Millennium, we see the public sector of the economy being defned on the basis of a narrower meaning of the general public interest of the citizens and the abandonment of the socialist delusion that the whole economy was of public interest. At the passage between two millenniums, the public sector of the economy is generally being understood and defned to reflect the parameters of the market economy.
The Hungarian legislation places public enterprises under the authority of the local or national government, so the departments of that government are responsible for establishing these enterprises. The legislators have retained the main public businesses and services under government control, with public ownership at no less than 50+1% or in exceptional cases no less than 25+1%: in some cases government retains a priority vote or “golden share.”
In former socialist state the concept of public enterprise began to take shape with the process of ownership transformation in the early 1990s: previous decades had espoused an ideological non-selective system that made whole countries into single quasi-public economies. As the privatization process matured, governments began to see the public economy clearly as a very important and special economic sector.
A review of legislation in the former socialist state reveals the lawmakers’ goal of attracting private and mainly foreign capital into their public economies. Foreign investment as well as new technologies and equipment are prerequisites for transforming the old state frms into effcient businesses and services. Concession is a transparent and recognizably market institution that provides investors with security compared to short or long-term loans in transitional countries. The fnal word on the effectiveness of concessions in the campaign for foreign investment, however, has yet to be pronounced.
The main Hungarian public energy and communications companies are the Power Plant Company or MVM Rt., the Telecommunications Company or MATAV Rt. and the national railroad or MAV Rt. These companies became assets of APV Rt. when this state agency was established as the engine of privatization in 1995.
According to a December 19, 2000 statement by Prime Minister Victor Orban, the privatization process has been completed in Hungary and ownership structures now parallel those of the states of Western Europe. About 80% of public enterprises have been privatized in the last decade and the plan is to retain the rest as state properties.Tema ovog rada obuhvata pravno-fnansijske aspekte tranzicije javnih preduzeća u Mađarskoj. Cilj rada je istraživanje procesa restruktuiranja i privatizacije javnih preduzeća energetike i komunikacija u zemlji tranzicije koja je postala članica Evropske Unije. Autor ima cilj da osvetli iskustva, utvrdi benefcije i probleme jedne od najuspešnijih tranzicija bivših socijalističkih zemalja. Tema zahteva jedan odgovoran, utemeljen pristup sagledavanja niza aspekata, motivacije, okruženja u razumevanju aktuelnog pravno-ekonomskog procesa u Mađarskoj koji je rezultirao uspešnom integracijom u Evropsku Uniju. Namera je da se potakne stimulativna debata o reformi javnih preduzeća na putu evropskih integracija. Tema ovog rada je opravdana sa naučnog i društvenog aspekta
Razlike u oblasti kontrole koncentracije u pravu konkurencije Evropske Unije izazvane donošenjem uredbe br. 139/2004, naspram prethodne uredbe br. 4064/89
Get PDFThe autors want to show the difference which exists between the Regulation No 139/2004 and the Regulation No 4064/89, according to which they notice the improvements brought by the new regulation. The work basically concerns the area of the concentration but it only refers to the differences in the regulations. All new things which are made on the area of the concentration in 2004, and are not covered by new regulation, they are not discussed in this work. As far as the new things are concerned which are introduced by the Regulation No 139/2004, the impruvments and the simplifkations are noticed in the frame of the competition work, in the concentration area.Autori žele da prikažu razliku koja postoji između Uredbe br. 139/2004 i Uredbe br. 4064/89, na osnovu čega se uočavaju poboljšanja uvedena novom uredbom. Rad se okvirno tiče polja koncentracije ali se isključivo odnosi na razliku u uredbama. Sve novine koje su ostvarene na polju koncentracija 2004. godine a nisu obuhvaćene novom uredbom, ne razmatraju se ovim radom. Što se tiče novina koje su uvedene Uredbom br. 139/2004 uočavaju se poboljšanja i pojednostavljenja u okviru zaštite konkurencije, na polju koncentracija