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Architect vs. Politician in the Game for Historic Urban Space: Six Models of Spatial Policy in Historic Areas
Get PDFHistoric urban space, consisting of old towns and historic districts, is subject to a specific interplay between individual actors of the process of its planning. An architect, one of four major actors in the game for historic space, usually possesses a set of characteristic convictions, ideas, and values they believe in. There is a specific ideological profile of an architect as a creator, resulting from modernist revolution and greatly affecting the quality of architecture developed by them, especially when dealing with the problem of degraded space (e.g., as a result of warfare). On the other hand, a local politician (in the case of a city – an executive organ, i.e., a mayor or a president) does not always realize how much depends on their decisions shaping historic space in a particular model direction. Contemporary Polish law gives local authorities the ultimate power to create spatial policy in historic areas. In order to be able to act intentionally in the surrounding space, as well as to enter into a substantive dialogue with an architect, a local politician should possess certain models of shaping historic space – ready-to-use templates of political decisions. The main goal of this article is to present models of shaping historic urban space – conservation, restoration, modern creation, traditional creation, retroversion, and reconstruction – as well as to present an architect’s response to attempts at political implementations of each of these models
Analiza dyskursywno-krytyczna przemówienia Donalda Trumpa wygłoszonego na konwencji republikanów w Milwaukee (18.07.2024)
Get PDFThe aim of the article is a discursive and critical analysis of Donald Trump’s speech, which the Republican presidential candidate delivered at the party convention on July 18, 2024, in Milwaukee. Discourse was treated as the use of language in a specific social context, as well as a social practice in which the perlocutionary function of language is realized. In addition, the assumption of the power-creation of discourse was adopted, i.e., a concept that language is a source of hidden power relations and leads to the imposition of meanings. The most important conclusions from the analysis were as follows. The politician used value judgments in his speech in order to obtain legitimization from the audience for his own political program, for his declared political achievements so far, as well as legitimization for his own critical, negative assessment of the political and social situation during the administration of Joe Biden. Trump’s rhetoric is an exclusionary rhetoric, as evidenced by the dichotomy created: us–them. The politician’s targets are minority groups (illegal immigrants) and elites, to whom “ordinary citizens” are placed in opposition. The Republican refers to the strategy of denotation, using pejorative evaluations towards his opponents. In turn, the strategy of perspective indicates an exclusively positive assessment of his own program and political achievements and an exclusive criticism of the Democrats. Trump also used an amplifying strategy through the use of illocutionary verbs. The article increases the cognitive value in the area of research on Donald Trump’s discourse during the election campaign in the United States in 2024.Celem artykułu jest analiza dyskursywno-krytyczna przemówienia Donalda Trumpa, które prezydencki kandydat republikanów wygłosił na konwencji partii 18 lipca 2024 r. w Milwaukee. Dyskurs potraktowano jako użycie języka w określonym kontekście społecznym, jak również jako praktykę społeczną, w której realizowana jest perlokucyjna funkcja języka. Przyjęto ponadto założenie o władzotwórczych właściwościach dyskursu, a więc koncepcję, w której język jest źródłem ukrytych stosunków władzy i prowadzi do narzucania znaczeń. Należy wyliczyć najistotniejsze wnioski wypływające z analizy przemówienia. Polityk stosował w przemówieniu sądy wartościujące celem uzyskania ze strony audytorium legitymizacji dla własnego programu politycznego, dla dotychczasowych deklarowanych osiągnięć politycznych, jak również dla własnej krytycznej, negatywnej oceny sytuacji polityczno-społecznej za czasów rządów Joe Bidena. Retoryka Trumpa jest retoryką wykluczającą, czego dowodzi kreowana dychotomia my–oni. Celem ataków polityka są grupy mniejszościowe (nielegalni imigranci) oraz elity, w opozycji do których postawieni zostają „zwykli obywatele”. Republikanin odwołuje się do strategii denotacji, stosując pejoratywne wartościowanie wobec swoich oponentów. Z kolei strategia perspektywizacji wskazuje na wyłącznie pozytywną ocenę własnego programu i dokonań politycznych oraz na wyłącznie krytyczną opinię o demokratach. Trump stosuje także strategię wzmacniającą poprzez użycie czasowników illokucyjnych. Artykuł przynosi zysk poznawczy w obszarze badań nad dyskursem Donalda Trumpa podczas kampanii wyborczej w Stanach Zjednoczonych w 2024 r
Janusz Mierzwa, Konstytucja marcowa 1921. The March 1921 Constitution, tłum. J. Weinsberg, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe 2021, ss. 199
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(Dis)Abled Security
Get PDFAccording to the Polish legislation, “protection of persons” involves activities aimed at ensuring the safety of life, health, and personal integrity. In the article, the Authors present an analysis of three cases of assassination – the assassination of the first President of the Republic of Poland Gabriel Narutowicz in 1922, the assassination of the assistant of the MEP Marek Rosiak in 2010, and the assassination of the Mayor of Gdańsk Paweł Adamowicz in 2019. In the following part of the article, the Authors present the assassination attempts on Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, and US presidential candidate (former US President) Donald Trump, discussing the irregularities that took place during these events. The Authors also point out irregularities in the personal and property protection industry in Poland that require immediate changes, including legal changes in this area. Further downplaying the current situation may result in an escalation of attacks and acts of sabotage in Poland. As a country that has been actively supporting Ukraine since the first days of Russia’s aggression, Poland has been targeted not only by the aggressor but also by other countries, whose interest lie not only in defeating the Ukrainian state but also in instilling a sense of insecurity among the citizens of neighboring countries.
The main purpose of this article is not to criticize services and entities dealing with personal protection. The Authors would rather like to point the way to rapid changes aimed at minimizing threats and counteracting the escalation of trends conducive to the occurrence of dangerous situations
On Erudite and Utilitarian Aspects of Historical Political Thought: An Analysis of the Programme of the Émigré National Party [Stronnictwo Narodowe]
Get PDFOn the threshold of the breakthrough events in the political life of the 1980s, Andrzej Micewski, in his article in Tygodnik Powszechny (1981, No. 9, p. 5) entitled “On the Weaknesses of the Polish Political Thought”, formulated a premise that historical Polish nationalist thought had lost its usefulness as a modern and prospective ideological and political offer for the contemporary generation, which seeks ideological inspiration in history, seen as the source of contemporary political concepts. The author’s doubts concerned the ethical sphere of Polish nationalism saturated with elements of ethnocentrism and national egoism. This premise gave rise to a discussion among journalists on the evaluation of the utilitarian aspects of the nationalist thought of the émigré Stronnictwo Narodowe (abbreviated: SN).
First, in the pages of Myśl Polska (1981, Nos. 7–8, p. 1) – the flagship organ of the SN – Wojciech Wasiutyński polemically referred to this premise, concluding that, under the ideological pressure of the Warsaw regime and the Sovietisation of political life, “Poland is doomed to nationalism”. He saw in democratic-national thinking the “only systematic school of political thinking”, a factor for a moral rebirth of the nation as a condition for the democratisation of social life. In the following years, at the request of Witold Leitgeber (secretary of the SN’s Political Committee), the postulates for making historical nationalist thought more flexible – given what was going on in Poland – were expressed by him in the question: “Should the national ideology, which was formulated in times different from our own, not be subjected to verification – not to use the word revisionism?”, and included in the agenda of the Political Committee (1984, 1986). In this form, they appeared in the forum of the last, 7th Central Congress of the SN (1992), devoted to discussing the best ways of transferring the legacy of ideas and political experience of the nationalists-in-exile to Poland.
The research objective of this article is to analyse the political thought of the émigré SN from the point of view of identifying the permanent elements which defined its ideological character and at the same time led to the weakening of its usefulness in the process of democratisation of social life in the 1980s, and in the following years contributed to the electoral defeat of post-National Democracy groupings
Limitations of Two-Dimensional Indicators and unconstrained radial DEA models in Evaluating Judicial Efficiency: Insights from Poland's Appellate Court System
No full textMotivation: Two-dimensional efficiency indicators provide only a narrow perspective on a system’s functional efficiency, a limitation that is addressed by multidimensional methods such as the widely used Data Envelopment Analysis. However, the uncritical application of this class of methods—which appears to be a common practice in judicial efficiency research—can result in misleading conclusions regarding efficiencies of Decision-Making Units (DMUs).
Aim: The aim of this study is to evaluate the technical efficiency of Poland's appellate court system in the first two decades of the 21st century (years 2002-2021) using a constrained version of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) applied to time-series data. Unlike two-dimensional judicial performance indicators, such an approach facilitates a comprehensive assessment of the aggregated efficiency of the legal, administrative, procedural, organizational, and economic macro-frameworks—consistently implemented across all appellate courts—which collectively shape the system’s performance during each year under review.
Results: The outcomes of this research show the fundamental shortcomings of classical applications of DEA, raising valid concerns about the reliability and interpretability of the outcomes derived from this approach. To mitigate these challenges, it presents a novel procedure specifically aimed at addressing these limitations in evaluating judicial efficiency, which is next successfully implemented
Assessment Of The Level Of Fiscal Sustainability Of Selected European Union Member States In 2014, 2017, 2020 And 2023
No full textMotivation: Fiscal sustainability constitutes a fundamental prerequisite for the long-term stability of public finances and the resilience of economies to external disturbances. Successive global and regional crises, including the global financial crisis, the sovereign debt crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the energy and security shocks related to geopolitical developments, have exposed the vulnerability of fiscal systems within the European Union (EU). States characterized by a higher degree of fiscal sustainability were able to mitigate the adverse macroeconomic and social effects of such crises more effectively, whereas fiscally weaker economies experienced prolonged instability and higher adjustment costs. Consequently, the assessment of fiscal sustainability acquires not only theoretical but also practical significance for shaping fiscal governance. While the subject has been widely discussed in the literature, existing studies frequently focus on single indicators or limited periods, which underscores the need for multidimensional and comparative analyses conducted within a longer time horizon.
Aim: The principal objective of this article is to identify the key determinants of fiscal sustainability and to evaluate its level across EU Member States in 2014, 2017, 2020, and 2023. By applying an integrated, synthetic measure, the study addresses the identified research gap, offering a comprehensive and temporally consistent framework for the comparative assessment of fiscal sustainability among EU economies.
Results: The Synthetic Measure of Fiscal Sustainability (SMFS) was constructed by employing the modified Hellwig method with Mahalanobis distance. The analysis incorporated five diagnostic variables: the public debt-to-GDP ratio, the budget balance-to-GDP ratio, the GDP growth rate, the current account balance, and EMU bond yields. Empirical data were derived from Eurostat. Hierarchical cluster analysis was subsequently applied to classify Member States into homogeneous groups according to their fiscal sustainability levels. The results indicate that Germany maintained the highest level of fiscal sustainability throughout the examined period, followed by the Netherlands and Malta. In contrast, Greece recorded the lowest SMFS values in 2014 and 2017, France in 2020, and Ireland in 2023. Overall, five distinct clusters of countries were identified, ranging from low to high sustainability. The findings demonstrate significant heterogeneity within the EU and underscore the necessity of designing fiscal frameworks that are both country-specific and consistent with the requirements of supranational fiscal governance
The adaptability of informal institutions
No full textMotivation: The study is guided by a set of research questions. How do informal institutions change? Does their deep historical and cultural embeddedness imply that such a change necessarily occurs at a slow pace? And to what extent can informal institutions be considered adaptive in responding to external pressures?
Aim: The author’s primary intention was to investigate the specific character of informal institutions, with particular emphasis on their adaptive capacity. The analysis focuses on the factors that may trigger adaptation processes, and whether these changes can occur under certain conditions over a relatively short period of time.
Results: The study finds that informal institutions, though typically slow to evolve, exhibit uneven persistence across different clusters of norms. Some categories respond more quickly to external pressures, such as the introduction of new formal rules, shifts in socio-economic conditions, or political upheavals. These responses may generate new practices that, once routinised, crystallise into new social norms. Such adaptive dynamics foster complementarities among institutional components, reinforcing systemic coherence and enhancing the stability of the broader institutional order.
Wypowiedzi Zespołu Ekspertów Konferencji Episkopatu Polski ds. Bioetycznych w latach 2021-2025. : Problematyka, argumentacja i recepcja
Get PDFThe Catholic Church in Poland actively participates in the bioethical debate. In 2008, the Polish Bishops’ Conference established a Team of Experts for Bioethics. Its task is to monitor legislative processes and express the Church’s views on bioethical issues. The author of the article presents the issues raised by the Team’s statements published in 2021-2025. He emphasizes that the experts adopted a universal, personalistic perspective of ethical reflection, founded on respect for the life and dignity of every human person. In their statements, they use scientific arguments from the fields of biology, medicine, and law. The author also draws attention to the research project, which will cover the argumentation and reception of all statements made by the Team of Experts for Bioethics and help to use them in moral formation.Kościół katolicki w Polsce aktywnie uczestniczy w debacie bioetycznej. W 2008 roku Konferencja Episkopatu Polski powołała Zespół Ekspertów ds. Bioetycznych. Jego zadaniem jest monitorowanie procesów legislacyjnych i wyrażanie opinii Kościoła na tematy bioetyczne. Autor artykułu prezentuje problematykę wypowiedzi Zespołu, które ukazały się w latach 2021-2025. Podkreśla, że eksperci przyjęli uniwersalną, personalistyczną perspektywę refleksji etycznej, której fundamentem jest szacunek dla życia i godności każdej osoby ludzkiej. W wypowiedziach sięgają oni po argumenty naukowe z dziedziny biologii, medycyny i prawa. Autor zwraca także uwagę na projekt badawczy, który obejmie argumentację i recepcję wszystkich wypowiedzi Zespołu Ekspertów ds. Bioetycznych i pomoże je wykorzystać w formacji moralnej
Kontrowersje wokół Gajusza Mariusza Młodszego
Get PDFMarius the Younger, son of a seven-time consul, was a Roman general and politician. Promoted by his father, he became one of the leaders of the Marian camp. His the most important achievement was the consulship held together with Gn. Papirius Carbo in 82 BC, and consequently taking command in the civil war against L. Cornelius Sulla. After the defeat, besieged in Praeneste, Marius committed suicide.
The authors of the sources are very ambiguous in their assessment of the role that Marius the Younger played in the late Republic. Opponents criticize him for his incompetence as a commander, cruelty to enemies, and mock his young age, lack of experience and charisma. Supporters emphasize the extraordinary military skills, calmness and composure inherited from his father. Similar ambiguous opinions can be found in contemporary historiography.
The author of the article critically re-reads the sources and objectively defines the role that Marius the Younger played in Republic in the eighties of the 1st century BC.Marius the Younger, son of a seven-time consul, was a Roman general and politician. Promoted by his father, he became one of the leaders of the Marian camp. His the most important achievement was the consulship held together with Gn. Papirius Carbo in 82 BC, and consequently taking command in the civil war against L. Cornelius Sulla. After the defeat, besieged in Praeneste, Marius committed suicide.
The authors of the sources are very ambiguous in their assessment of the role that Marius the Younger played in the late Republic. Opponents criticize him for his incompetence as a commander, cruelty to enemies, and mock his young age, lack of experience and charisma. Supporters emphasize the extraordinary military skills, calmness and composure inherited from his father. Similar ambiguous opinions can be found in contemporary historiography.
The author of the article critically re-reads the sources and objectively defines the role that Marius the Younger played in Republic in the eighties of the 1st century BC