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Bridging the hiatus: Dramatic and poetic elements in Malalo’s kirari
Full text linkThe theme of this paper is farautar jarumta ‘heroic hunting’ in the north-western part of Nigeria. The paper pays particular attention to the kirari ‘praise-epithets’, also called koɗa kai ‘adulation of the self’, of the mafarauta ‘hunters’ as one of the cardinal features of this kind of hunting. It traces certain dramatic elements, such as stage/space, costume and props, dramatis personae, plot, impersonation, and the spectacle as well as the singing and drumming that are an important part of performance of kirari. It further examines poetic elements in Ummaru Usman Malalo’s famous kirari Saka-cira; these elements are grouped into genealogy-based, action-based, and metaphorical yabo ‘praise’. The paper shows that, although the delivery of kirari has, in some studies, been analysed as a song text, it requires performance along with the dramatic elements which belong in a performance. The analysis of Saka-cira – which has never previously been studied – shows that in their kirari, mafarauta utilise poetic devices to portray, embellish, and exaggerate events, comparing themselves with, or even declaring themselves to be an animal or a natural phenomenon. The analysis in the paper relies on the Hausa version of the kirari. It utilises a transcribed version of Saka-cira, interviews, observations, and secondary literature.The theme of this paper is farautar jarumta ‘heroic hunting’ in the north-western part of Nigeria. The paper pays particular attention to the kirari ‘praise-epithets’, also called koɗa kai ‘adulation of the self’, of the mafarauta ‘hunters’ as one of the cardinal features of this kind of hunting. It traces certain dramatic elements, such as stage/space, costume and props, dramatis personae, plot, impersonation, and the spectacle as well as the singing and drumming that are an important part of performance of kirari. It further examines poetic elements in Ummaru Usman Malalo’s famous kirari Saka-cira; these elements are grouped into genealogy-based, action-based, and metaphorical yabo ‘praise’. The paper shows that, although the delivery of kirari has, in some studies, been analysed as a song text, it requires performance along with the dramatic elements which belong in a performance. The analysis of Saka-cira – which has never previously been studied – shows that in their kirari, mafarauta utilise poetic devices to portray, embellish, and exaggerate events, comparing themselves with, or even declaring themselves to be an animal or a natural phenomenon. The analysis in the paper relies on the Hausa version of the kirari. It utilises a transcribed version of Saka-cira, interviews, observations, and secondary literature.The theme of this paper is farautar jarumta ‘heroic hunting’ in the north-western part of Nigeria. The paper pays particular attention to the kirari ‘praise-epithets’, also called koɗa kai ‘adulation of the self’, of the mafarauta ‘hunters’ as one of the cardinal features of this kind of hunting. It traces certain dramatic elements, such as stage/space, costume and props, dramatis personae, plot, impersonation, and the spectacle as well as the singing and drumming that are an important part of performance of kirari. It further examines poetic elements in Ummaru Usman Malalo’s famous kirari Saka-cira; these elements are grouped into genealogy-based, action-based, and metaphorical yabo ‘praise’. The paper shows that, although the delivery of kirari has, in some studies, been analysed as a song text, it requires performance along with the dramatic elements which belong in a performance. The analysis of Saka-cira – which has never previously been studied – shows that in their kirari, mafarauta utilise poetic devices to portray, embellish, and exaggerate events, comparing themselves with, or even declaring themselves to be an animal or a natural phenomenon. The analysis in the paper relies on the Hausa version of the kirari. It utilises a transcribed version of Saka-cira, interviews, observations, and secondary literature
A phonological description of Naba
Full text linkNaba, also known as Bilala, is a Nilo-Saharan (Sara-Bagirmi) language of Chad with about 410,000 speakers from three ethnic groups. This paper gives a basic description of the Naba phonological system, using segmental phonology and lexical phonology approaches. Topics covered include the phonemic inventory, syllable structure and phonotactic restrictions, the tone system and its interaction with other phonological processes, and the main lexical and post-lexical processes.
A special focus is given to the important role of sonority hierarchy in Naba phonological structure and processes. This hierarchy groups affricates and non-sibilant fricatives with stops in a single obstruent category, while nasals, liquids, and approximants comprise the sonorant category. The distinction is key for syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, tone sandhi, and a number of both lexical and post-lexical processes. It is proposed that the two sibilant fricatives /s/ and /z/ exist as a separate sonority level in between obstruent and sonorant, and evidence is given as to why they cannot be classed with either group.Naba, also known as Bilala, is a Nilo-Saharan (Sara-Bagirmi) language of Chad with about 410,000 speakers from three ethnic groups. This paper gives a basic description of the Naba phonological system, using segmental phonology and lexical phonology approaches. Topics covered include the phonemic inventory, syllable structure and phonotactic restrictions, the tone system and its interaction with other phonological processes, and the main lexical and post-lexical processes.
A special focus is given to the important role of sonority hierarchy in Naba phonological structure and processes. This hierarchy groups affricates and non-sibilant fricatives with stops in a single obstruent category, while nasals, liquids, and approximants comprise the sonorant category. The distinction is key for syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, tone sandhi, and a number of both lexical and post-lexical processes. It is proposed that the two sibilant fricatives /s/ and /z/ exist as a separate sonority level in between obstruent and sonorant, and evidence is given as to why they cannot be classed with either group.Naba, also known as Bilala, is a Nilo-Saharan (Sara-Bagirmi) language of Chad with about 410,000 speakers from three ethnic groups. This paper gives a basic description of the Naba phonological system, using segmental phonology and lexical phonology approaches. Topics covered include the phonemic inventory, syllable structure and phonotactic restrictions, the tone system and its interaction with other phonological processes, and the main lexical and post-lexical processes.
A special focus is given to the important role of sonority hierarchy in Naba phonological structure and processes. This hierarchy groups affricates and non-sibilant fricatives with stops in a single obstruent category, while nasals, liquids, and approximants comprise the sonorant category. The distinction is key for syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, tone sandhi, and a number of both lexical and post-lexical processes. It is proposed that the two sibilant fricatives /s/ and /z/ exist as a separate sonority level in between obstruent and sonorant, and evidence is given as to why they cannot be classed with either group
Moraic mismatches in Somali phonology: coda consonants reconsidered
Full text linkThis paper reconsiders the moraic status of coda consonants in Somali. It is argued that Somali joins a growing list of languages presenting a challenge to the Moraic Uniqueness Hypothesis. Several phenomena are explored that suggest that Somali exhibits moraic mismatches whereby moras associated with segments of different types contribute to, or “count” differently for particular phonological processes. Evidence in support of this proposal is drawn from the literature on tonology and poetic metrics, but also from word shape and minimality requirements, and from the distribution of syllable shapes of different types in Somali words. It is argued that an approach to Somali phonology that permits reference to moras associated with different segment types offers a unified and more transparent account of the language’s segmental and tonal phenomena. Notably, such an approach precludes the assumption of “early” coda consonant moraicity followed by a global dissociation of consonantal moras by rule before high tone assignment, as argued for in earlier work. The findings presented here illustrate that standing points of view on the role of the mora in Somali phonology must be reconfigured.This paper reconsiders the moraic status of coda consonants in Somali. It is argued that Somali joins a growing list of languages presenting a challenge to the Moraic Uniqueness Hypothesis. Several phenomena are explored that suggest that Somali exhibits moraic mismatches whereby moras associated with segments of different types contribute to, or “count” differently for particular phonological processes. Evidence in support of this proposal is drawn from the literature on tonology and poetic metrics, but also from word shape and minimality requirements, and from the distribution of syllable shapes of different types in Somali words. It is argued that an approach to Somali phonology that permits reference to moras associated with different segment types offers a unified and more transparent account of the language’s segmental and tonal phenomena. Notably, such an approach precludes the assumption of “early” coda consonant moraicity followed by a global dissociation of consonantal moras by rule before high tone assignment, as argued for in earlier work. The findings presented here illustrate that standing points of view on the role of the mora in Somali phonology must be reconfigured.This paper reconsiders the moraic status of coda consonants in Somali. It is argued that Somali joins a growing list of languages presenting a challenge to the Moraic Uniqueness Hypothesis. Several phenomena are explored that suggest that Somali exhibits moraic mismatches whereby moras associated with segments of different types contribute to, or “count” differently for particular phonological processes. Evidence in support of this proposal is drawn from the literature on tonology and poetic metrics, but also from word shape and minimality requirements, and from the distribution of syllable shapes of different types in Somali words. It is argued that an approach to Somali phonology that permits reference to moras associated with different segment types offers a unified and more transparent account of the language’s segmental and tonal phenomena. Notably, such an approach precludes the assumption of “early” coda consonant moraicity followed by a global dissociation of consonantal moras by rule before high tone assignment, as argued for in earlier work. The findings presented here illustrate that standing points of view on the role of the mora in Somali phonology must be reconfigured
Hurst-Harosh, Ellen. 2020. Tsotsitaal in South Africa: Style and metaphor in Youth Language Practices. (Language Contact in Africa 6). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
Full text linkBlench, Roger & Stuart McGill (eds.). 2012. Advances in minority language research in Nigeria. (African languages monographs 5). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
Full text linkBesprechung eines Sammelbandes mit Arbeiten hauptsächlich zu den Plateausprachen Zentral-NigeriasCompte rendu d\u27un livre sur des langues du plateau nigérie
Retracing labial-velar consonants in Mbum (Adamawa): Between genetic transmission and language contact
Full text linkLabial-velar consonants, which are typologically rather rare in the languages of the world, have been used for both genealogical and areal classification purposes. The claim that their occurrence mainly signals areal contact (e.g. Güldemann 2008), has been criticized by scholars (cf. Cahill 2017, Childs 2017) who point out a possible genealogical development in multiple language families of Africa. In this paper, we analyse contemporary and historical data on Mbum varieties from the Adamawa plateau in Cameroon and closely related languages of the Kebi-Benue family to approach the question whether labial-velars are transmitted merely through contact in these languages or warrant a genealogical explanation. The bottom-up approach leads to an interpretation of the current distribution of labial-velars that has both elements in it: There are arguments for reconstructing labial-velars for the Proto-Kebi-Benue level, but certain specifics of their geographical distribution also hint at a contact explanation.Labial-velar consonants, which are typologically rather rare in the languages of the world, have been used for both genealogical and areal classification purposes. The claim that their occurrence mainly signals areal contact (e.g. Güldemann 2008), has been criticized by scholars (cf. Cahill 2017, Childs 2017) who point out a possible genealogical development in multiple language families of Africa. In this paper, we analyse contemporary and historical data on Mbum varieties from the Adamawa plateau in Cameroon and closely related languages of the Kebi-Benue family to approach the question whether labial-velars are transmitted merely through contact in these languages or warrant a genealogical explanation. The bottom-up approach leads to an interpretation of the current distribution of labial-velars that has both elements in it: There are arguments for reconstructing labial-velars for the Proto-Kebi-Benue level, but certain specifics of their geographical distribution also hint at a contact explanation.Labial-velar consonants, which are typologically rather rare in the languages of the world, have been used for both genealogical and areal classification purposes. The claim that their occurrence mainly signals areal contact (e.g. Güldemann 2008), has been criticized by scholars (cf. Cahill 2017, Childs 2017) who point out a possible genealogical development in multiple language families of Africa. In this paper, we analyse contemporary and historical data on Mbum varieties from the Adamawa plateau in Cameroon and closely related languages of the Kebi-Benue family to approach the question whether labial-velars are transmitted merely through contact in these languages or warrant a genealogical explanation. The bottom-up approach leads to an interpretation of the current distribution of labial-velars that has both elements in it: There are arguments for reconstructing labial-velars for the Proto-Kebi-Benue level, but certain specifics of their geographical distribution also hint at a contact explanation
Initial findings on the Boor language
Full text linkThis article provides the first published information on Boor, an Eastern Chadic language spoken in a single village in the Moyen Chari Region of Chad. First, the sociolinguistic situation of the language and its speakers is presented, along with the conditions under which the present data was collected. Then follows a very provisional statement about the consonant and vowel systems of the language, along with some remarks about nominal and verbal morphology. The article finishes by presenting several tables of lexical data, comparing Boor words with those of several nearby languages, in the interest of better understanding the place of Boor within the Eastern Chadic family
How to quote Ethiopian authors in linguistic publications
Full text linkAs the patronymic Ethiopian names do not match the widespread GIVEN NAME – FAMILY NAME pattern of the Western world, the names of Ethiopian authors are often quoted inconsistently and inappropriately by scholars in the field of linguistic typology and historical-comparative linguistics. After a brief introduction into the Ethiopian naming conventions and a summary of recurrent issues in quoting Ethiopian authors in scientific publications, we propose a number of general citation rules that would help overcome these issues and do justice to the Ethiopian naming conventions. The rules are offered as an addendum to the Generic Style Rules for Linguistics. Finally, the article demonstrates how reference management software can be manipulated so that it correctly applies the Ethiopian naming conventions
Nominal and verbal plurality in the Mandara and Ɓata subgroups of Central Chadic
Full text linkThis paper contrasts the strategies for marking nominal and verbal plurality in the Mandara and Ɓata subgroups of Central Chadic, and offers some thoughts on their possible origin and development. The Mandara subgroup generally uses an /-a-/ infix for verbs, and the suffix /-ak/-ax/-ah/ for nouns. The Ɓata subgroup uses an /-ə-/ infix for both nouns and verbs, as well as a suffix /-j/ (or /-n/) for nouns. In both groups, the strategies used also depend upon the structure of the verb root. Data is provided for several languages, including little-documented languages such as Nzanyi, Bacama and Glavda. The data suggests that vowel infixes may originally have been used for both nominal and verbal plurals throughout Chadic, but the development of specific nominal plural suffixes gradually made the use of vowel infix plurals redundant in nouns. The nominal suffix /-ak/-ax/-ah/ would then have been a subsequent innovation in the verbal system for verb roots in the Mandara whose structure was incompatible with an infix strategy
Literal and metaphorical usages of Babanki EAT and DRINK verbs
Full text linkIn Babanki, a Grassfields Bantu language of North-West Cameroon, two of the numerous consumption verbs, namely the generic verbs ʒɨ́ ‘eat’ and ɲʉ́ ‘drink’, constitute a major source of metaphorical extensions outside the domain of ingestion. Setting out from a characterisation of the basic meanings of these two lexical items as they emerge from their paradigmatic relations within the semantic field of alimentation processes, this paper explores the figurative usages of the two verbs and their underlying semantic motivations. Semantic extensions that radiate from eat can be subsumed under two closely related structural metaphors, i.e. APPROPRIATION OF RESOURCES IS EATING and WINNING IS EATING. The first metaphor construes the acquisition and exploitation of non-food items such as material possession as eating, while the second metaphor casts the acquisition of immaterial advantage in the mould of eating. Both metaphors have further entailments, i.e. the derivation of pleasure from consumption of resources, the depletion of resources via consumption and the deprivation of a third party from access to these resources. Semantic extensions that radiate from drink can be accounted for in two structural metaphors, i.e. INHALATION IS DRINKING and ABSORPTION IS DRINKING. Remarkably, some metaphorical extensions of consumption verbs attested in other African languages, such as extensions of EAT for sexual intercourse and for killing, and the extensions of DRINK for undergoing trouble and enduring painful experiences are absent in Babanki