The Annals of Iowa

Hawley, Ellis W

English

Herbert Hoover and the Historians—Recent Developments: A Review Essay

Review of: Long Road to Harpers Ferry: The Rise of the First American Left, by Mark A. Lause

Kaufman-McKivigan, John R.

Book Reviews and Notices      401 
dition interposed a subtle line which both parties were conscious of” 
(22). Rather than analyzing such nuances of nineteenth-century race 
relations in the border South, Scharnhorst disputes Clemens’s represen-
tation of his own life, concluding condescendingly that “[Sam] over-
stated his lack of racial prejudice” and “harbored some biases for the 
rest of his life” (22). It is certainly true that Clemens was a product of 
his own time, but a literary biographer might helpfully have explained 
how that time differs from our own, and how the nineteenth-century 
experience was reflected in Twain’s own writing. 
 Geographically, The Early Years is expansive, following Sam Clem-
ens from Hannibal east to New York as a journeyman printer, south 
along the Mississippi River as he studied to become a river pilot, and 
west to the silver boom town of Virginia City, Nevada, where he 
learned the craft of journalism and first appeared in print as Mark Twain. 
Iowa readers might be intrigued to learn that Clemens’s first public 
speech—on Benjamin Franklin—was delivered in Keokuk in 1856. A 
pattern of itinerancy emerged as Clemens wrote for newspapers in San 
Francisco that sent him to Hawaii and sponsored the 1867 expedition to 
Europe and the Middle East that was transformed into his first book, 
The Innocents Abroad. Capitalizing on such experiences, and with a gift 
for humor, Clemens launched a career as a lecturer before the publica-
tion of his first books. He spent time in Washington, D.C., as a senator’s 
clerk and briefly owned a share in a newspaper in Buffalo, New York. 
The volume ends with his marriage to Olivia Langdon in 1870 and their 
decision to relocate to her hometown of Elmira, New York, after the 
birth of their first child in 1871. Two additional volumes await the 
reader whose taste for detailed recounting of Samuel Clemens’s literary 
practice has been whetted by this one. 
  
 
Long Road to Harpers Ferry: The Rise of the First American Left, by Mark A. 
Lause. People’s History Series. London: Pluto Press, 2018; distributed 
by University of Chicago Press. vi, 266 pp. Notes, index. $99 hardcover, 
$26 paperback. 
Reviewer John R. Kaufman-McKivigan is Mary O'Brien Gibson Professor 
of History at IUPUI. He is editor or coeditor of several works by and about 
Frederick Douglass and is the author of Forgotten Firebrand: James Redpath 
and the Making of Nineteenth-Century America (2008) and War against Pro-
slavery Religion: Abolitionism and the Northern Churches, 1830–1865 (1984). 
Historian Mark A. Lause seems engaged in a multivolume master proj-
ect to document the history of antebellum and Civil War–era American 
radical movements. In recent years, he has authored volumes on the 
402      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
early nineteenth-century labor movement, Civil War–era spiritualism, 
“Bohemian” free thinkers and free lovers before and during the war, 
and radical agitation within Union Army ranks. All of these books 
about often overlooked individuals and organizations are characterized 
by meticulous research into newspaper and archival sources. The volume 
under review is typical in providing 56 pages of dense notes to accom-
pany a modest 200 pages of text. In his introduction, Lause explains that 
the Long Road to Harpers Ferry is an effort to synthesize his extensive 
body of scholarship into a concise single volume detailing “the origins 
of an American movement against capitalism” (4). 
 Lause begins by examining radical currents present in the American 
Revolution among the rank-and-file of the Continental Army, wartime 
urban “mobs,” and intellectuals like the iconic radical Thomas Paine. 
Those individuals questioned colonial-era political, social, economic, 
and religious hierarchies and espoused republicanism, a democratic 
social order, and an end to economic privilege. Lause next describes the 
efforts of an assortment of communitarians, “Workies,” and “land re-
formers” in the early nineteenth century to block the unrestrained accu-
mulation of personal wealth and power. Most of these antebellum critics 
of capitalism drew on European models, and immigrants played influ-
ential roles in almost every radical campaign occurring in this country. 
Nevertheless, these movements continued to draw most heavily on the 
radical strains of the nation’s own revolutionary heritage. 
 A hallmark of Lause’s view of antebellum radical fervor is his 
assertion that exponents of these movements were able to minimize 
ideological disagreements and work together effectively. For example, 
socialists and free thinkers could make common cause, spiritualists and 
woman suffragists recruited overlapping memberships, and land re-
formers and labor radicals shared platforms and publications. This in-
terpretation contradicts the claim of many other historians that radical 
movements in the United States generally floundered in sectarian ideo-
logical squabbles. Lause shows instead how the collaboration of these 
radical groups allowed them to grow into a significant political presence. 
Rather than internal quarrels, it was the predatory practices of the main-
stream political parties that seduced away radical voters with promises 
of substantial economic reforms that were never fulfilled.  
 Lause also contradicts the portrayal of antebellum white American 
workers as virulently racist and often enthusiastically proslavery. He 
demonstrates instead the considerable sympathy they displayed for 
both oppressed slaves and Native Americans. The last third of the book 
concentrates on the cooperation between economic and social radicals 
and the antislavery movement of the 1840s and 1850s. Lause documents 
Book Reviews and Notices      403 
these radical groups’ enthusiastic support for the 1848 Free Soil Party. 
He stresses the ideological connections of that party’s anti-extensionist 
platform to the decades-old campaign of land reformers like George 
Henry Evans. When the opportunistic followers of Martin Van Buren 
returned to their former Democratic allegiances after the 1848 election, 
Lause argues, the radicals gained an even greater influence in the sub-
sequent Free Democratic Party. The early 1850s seemed a moment of 
intensifying revolutionary potential. Lause portrays that decade’s “abo-
litionists, Free Democrats, land reformers, and European revolution-
ists” working as “something of a cadre organization aimed at radical 
social transformation (149). 
 Among the many antislavery factions, the closest alliance that 
Lause detects was between land and labor reform groups and the small 
remnant of the post-1848 Liberty Party ironically led by wealthy New 
York land speculator Gerrit Smith. Besides its uncompromising anti-
slavery views, this group frequently endorsed radical social and eco-
nomic proposals. Smith’s followers, who included African Americans 
such as Frederick Douglass and James McCune Smith, also justified 
violent opposition to slavery and recruited none other than John Brown 
to their small circle. 
 Lause shows that Brown, in his plot to violently assault slaveholding, 
worked clandestinely with Hugh Forbes, a former English soldier who 
had fought in Garibaldi’s legion before migrating to this country in 1853. 
Forbes is often dismissed in historical literature as a money-seeking 
adventurer, but Lause rehabilitates his reputation by revealing the 
Englishman’s success at forging ties among East Coast immigrant and 
native radical workers groups. Lause also uncovers the ties of several 
of Brown’s Harpers Ferry raiders to those economic radicals. 
 Ultimately, Long Road to Harpers Ferry is an informative read about 
the activities of the myriad varieties of early American radicals. While 
Lause clearly admires his subjects, the book is largely free of polemics 
or analogies to contemporary situations. He makes a persuasive case 
that these groups were well informed about each other’s activities, 
frequently attended and addressed each other’s conventions, and issued 
vague but sincere endorsements of each other’s goals. Despite his mass 
of circumstantial evidence, however, Lause has not fully proved the 
central role of antebellum radicals in fomenting the great transfor-
mation the nation underwent in the Civil War crisis that his book as-
cribes to them. 
 


Long Road to Harpers Ferry: The Rise of the First American Left

Review of: All in One Room: A History of Country Schools in Johnson County, Iowa, by Franklin L. Yoder

Ogren, Christine A.

310      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
emphasis toward education and mutual support, helping midwestern 
farmers accommodate rather than fundamentally alter the market econ-
omy. She sees in the misnamed Granger Laws of the Midwest in the 
1870s not a radical agrarian agenda finding voice in statutes, but rather 
the beginnings of what would later become specialized commodity 
groups aiming to secure market share in the twentieth century. After 
the 1880s—and very much tracking with the nation’s economics—the 
Grange waned, revivified in the 1920s, and then eclipsed in the 1950s as 
farm populations fell. 
 In Essentials, Unity has several nice touches that make it appealing 
to a general audience. Bourne balances her scholarly analysis with a 
case study of the Minnehaha Grange in Minnesota. Her narrative of its 
history over many decades enables her to show the critical role the 
Grange played in rural community building in the Midwest. Her clear 
and concise treatment of how local Granges interacted with state and 
national bodies demonstrates the critical role they played in defining 
rural life in America well into the twentieth century. 
 Bourne’s disciplined focus on the Grange, which enables her to 
write a modest-length book, prevents her from engaging with wider 
scholarly debates about agrarian activism or rural family life in the late 
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She does not elaborate on the 
relationship between the Grange and the Farmer’s Alliance, the People’s 
Party, the Farm-Labor Party, or the National Farmers’ Union. Each of 
those had reformist or radical agendas, and the Midwest was a hotbed 
of agrarian political revolt. Bourne leaves open the question of whether 
those groups drew on different constituencies, yet for specialists this is 
a vital question when assessing the significance of the Grange. Bourne 
also does not invoke the work of social historians who examine the 
unique features of northern farm households in this period. Strong evi-
dence exists that farm families embraced a set of gender relations that 
reflected a more equitable sharing of authority between men and women 
that translated into the public sphere. As midwestern farm women took 
such a prominent role in the agrarian politics of the late nineteenth cen-
tury, it would be nice to see Bourne explore the extent to which the 
Grange helped advance that activism. 
 In Essentials, Unity is a well-written, compact history of the Grange 
that provides an excellent starting point for understanding the organi-
zation’s importance in midwestern rural life for over a century. 
 
 
All in One Room: A History of Country Schools in Johnson County, Iowa, by 
Franklin L. Yoder. Coralville, IA: Johnson County Historical Society, 
Book Reviews and Notices      311 
2018. xi, 164 pp. Illustrations, graphs, bibliography, index. $29.99 paper-
back. 
Reviewer Christine A. Ogren is associate professor of history of education 
in the Educational Policy and Leadership Studies Department at the Uni-
versity of Iowa. She is the author of The American State Normal School: “An 
Instrument of Great Good” (2005). 
Johnson County, Iowa, housed 160 country schools at the turn of the 
twentieth century. White settlers built the first one-room school in 1842, 
and the county’s last one-room school closed in 1966. Based on oral his-
tories and artifacts collected by a group of volunteers, All in One Room 
describes the 124 years of country schooling in Johnson County. On 
thick, glossy pages, text by one-room-school graduate and University 
of Iowa instructor Franklin Yoder accompanies several graphs and 
many high-quality photographs. Distributed throughout the book are a 
few dozen posed photos of teachers with students inside or outside 
their schoolhouses, and a few dozen informal photos of students on 
their way to school, eating lunch, playing games, sledding, and per-
forming in plays. Also pictured are four historical maps and several 
documents, such as teachers’ contracts and attendance reports. 
 In photos and the text, the twentieth century understandably re-
ceives much more attention than the nineteenth. After the first chapter 
briefly describes the establishment and early development of the 
county’s schools, chapters two through ten focus on different aspects of 
one-room schooling—such as local control, teachers’ duties, and the 
eighth-grade graduation examination—mainly during the twentieth 
century. Yoder quotes oral histories to illuminate students’ collabora-
tive approach to lessons, inclusive softball games at recess, and eager 
anticipation of the annual Christmas program; noting where but not 
when the interviewees attended country school suggests that students’ 
experiences were similar throughout the decades.  
 Yoder acknowledges how state legislation such as the 1919 Stand-
ard School Law and periodic agricultural downturns affected the or-
ganization and control of Johnson County’s one-room schools. Chapter 
nine demonstrates well the influence of larger forces in the 1950s, as 
Yoder describes how construction of the Coralville Reservoir forced the 
closure of several schools and how legislation requiring school consoli-
dation caused much contention in Solon. Less clear in the book is how 
school experiences and educational developments in Johnson County 
connected to the larger history of education in the United States. Yoder 
reports on the lack of uniformity in rural-school textbooks in the nine- 
teenth century and on the relative gender equality on rural playgrounds 
in the twentieth century without acknowledging that these were com- 
312      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
mon characteristics of country schools. He also glosses over widespread 
conflict over the first round of consolidation by simply reporting that 
Cosgrove voters in 1920 created the county’s first consolidated school. 
 Nostalgia flavors many of the oral-history quotations; former stu-
dents reflected, “You knew everyone and their families, and you felt 
very safe and secure” (79) and “we created our own fun” (92). The book’s 
overall tone, however, is more balanced. Acknowledging “female stu-
dents who talked of male teachers who touched them in inappropriate 
ways” (90) and humor in recitations and skits that “came at the expense 
of negative stereotypes” (112), Yoder heeds his own caution that “we 
can easily romanticize rural schools and in the process, overlook their 
shortcomings” (154). All in One Room captures both strengths and short-
comings of country schools in Johnson County over more than a century. 
 
 
Without Reservation: Benjamin Reifel and American Indian Acculturation, by 
Sean J. Flynn. Pierre: South Dakota State Historical Society Press, 2018. 
ix, 281 pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $29.95 hardcover.  
Reviewer Eric Steven Zimmer is a research fellow at the Center for Ameri-
can Indian Research and Native Studies (CAIRNS) in the Pine Ridge Res-
ervation. He won the American Society for Environmental History’s 2017 
Rachel Carson Prize for Best Dissertation for his work “Red Earth Nation: 
Environment and Sovereignty in Modern Meskwaki History.”  
In Without Reservation, Sean J. Flynn offers a robust biography of Benja-
min Reifel, who was born in the Rosebud Indian Reservation. One of 
history’s most distinguished South Dakotans, Reifel spent years at the 
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and served briefly as its commissioner 
toward the end of his career. Along the way, Reifel completed a doctor-
ate at Harvard and became the first Lakota to represent South Dakota 
in Congress. Flynn dives deeply into secondary literature and the hold-
ings at several archives—including Reifel’s papers and interviews he 
gave—to uncover Reifel’s development as a person, a civil servant, a 
politician, and a policymaker. 
 As a BIA agent, Reifel helped many midwestern tribes—including 
the Meskwaki Nation in Iowa—draft their constitutions in the 1930s. 
A decade later, he represented the BIA in North Dakota while the U.S. 
government decided to dam the Missouri River. That proved to be one 
of the most controversial periods of Reifel’s career. The Missouri River 
project flooded most of the best land in the Fort Berthold Reservation 
and nearly destroyed an indigenous agricultural economy that had 
thrived for at least a thousand years. Relying in part on Reifel’s advice, 
as Flynn writes, the tribal council rejected a land swap proposed by the 


All in One Room: A History of Country Schools in Johnson County, Iowa

Review of: Pictures of Longing: Photography and the Norwegian-American Migration, by Sigrid Lien, translated by Barbara Sjoho

Lagerquist, L. DeAne

306      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
 Green’s dense narrative, although an extensive read that is occa-
sionally encumbered by the inclusion of extensive quotations, reveals 
the complex realities of state, regional, and national politics during the 
Reconstruction Era. Green’s work joins a growing chorus of historians, 
such as Leslie Schwalm, Elliott West, and Steven Hahn, who argue for a 
“Greater Reconstruction” narrative that examines the whole continent 
and the effects of Reconstruction rather than an isolated Southern ac-
count. Green’s work should become required reading for those inter-
ested in the contradictory positions taken by white Republicans who 
championed black suffrage and equal citizenship rights but eventually 
abandoned black citizens to navigate by themselves continuing racial 
hostility and inequalities in both the North and South.  
 
 
Pictures of Longing: Photography and the Norwegian-American Migration, 
by Sigrid Lien, translated by Barbara Sjohom. Minneapolis: University 
of Minnesota Press, 2018. x, 290 pp. Illustrations, appendix, notes, bibli-
ography, index. $120 hardcover, $29.95 paperback. 
Reviewer L. DeAne Lagerquist is Harold H. Ditmanson Distinguished Pro-
fessor of Religion at St. Olaf College. She is the author of In America the Men 
Milk the Cows: Factors of Gender, Ethnicity, and Religion in the Americanization 
of Norwegian-American Women (1991). 
Photography and photographs convey anticipation and memory in 
Sweetland, Ali Selim’s film adaptation of Will Weaver’s short story “A 
Gravestone Made of Wheat.” When his parents arrange for him to marry 
German Inge Altenberg, Olaf Torvik, a Norwegian farmer in the Red 
River Valley, sends her a letter, enclosing a photograph of himself. She 
carries both with her to Minnesota. But, because a crease in the folded 
photograph obscured his face, initially Inge does not recognize him. In 
the train station she mistakes his friend Franzen for Olaf. At Olaf’s farm, 
Franzen makes a photograph of Inge in her traveling clothes in front 
of the house. Before the film ends, we see Franzen and Inge looking at 
the photo after Olaf’s funeral and then watch her grandson gaze at her 
image as a young woman as he considers selling the farm. None of this 
appears in Sigrid Lien’s intriguing book, and yet her nuanced, detailed, 
and theoretically rich exploration of photography and Norwegian 
American migration suggests the absolute rightness of Selim’s use of 
photographs and photography to convey a range of emotions, including 
longing—both for what is not yet and for what is no longer. 
 Although its format is small for the genre, this volume offers far 
more than what might be expected from a coffee-table book illustrated 
with interesting, old photographs. Certainly there are interesting, old 
Book Reviews and Notices      307 
photographs here, but in addition to close reading of the photographs 
reproduced in the book, Lien skillfully places their subjects in their cul-
tural and geographic contexts, addresses the historiography of Norwe-
gian American migration, and engages critical study of photography. 
Readers interested primarily in the photographs can certainly skim over 
the more theoretical discussions. Those readers will still take pleasure 
in the book. They will learn a great deal about the people in the pictures 
and about the photographers who made the pictures. These include im-
migrants in Spring Grove and Lanesboro, Minnesota, and in the Red 
River Valley, Norwegians in their own country, and a Norwegian 
American in twentieth-century Brooklyn.  
 Those intrigued by the relationship between American letters and 
photographs or by the role of memory in reanimating the photographs’ 
subjects will find the introduction and conclusion particularly valuable. 
There Lien develops her notion that photographs are interventions, that 
they offer more than illustration and confirmation of a familiar notion 
of the past. Rather, like sharp shards, she argues, photographs have the 
“potential to cut into the fabric of established historical narratives . . . 
the capacity to complement, correct, challenge, or disrupt such narra-
tives” (243). In this English translation, Lien reflects on criticism of the 
earlier Norwegian edition by some men who objected to her identifica-
tion of longing in the photographs. She defends her reading as appro-
priate to both the experience of migration and the medium of photog-
raphy, each of which is located “between something, between countries, 
cultures, past and present” (248). Photographs allow the viewer to travel 
from present to past and to engage the emotions evoked by the experi-
ence of being between cultures and countries.  
 The book’s six chapters are informed by and address these theo-
retical concerns. Four explore the work of individual photographers, 
including Andrew Dahl’s familiar family portraits, Haakon Bjornass’s 
whimsical postcards, Mina Westbye’s (possibly) self-portraits, and 
Peter Julius Rosendahl’s documentation of ordinary life just north of the 
Iowa-Minnesota border. Thus readers encounter the range of subjects 
and styles of photography practiced and gain an appreciation for the 
functions photography served. The final chapters address the photo-
graphs’ continuing work for more recent viewers, particularly as gath-
ered into collections either in “Norwegian Rural Communities” or in 
“The Chronicles of Norwegian-American Families.” Lien also includes 
a directory of Norwegian American photographers—amateur and pro-
fessional, some in Iowa—active from 1860 to 1960. 
 Discussing female photographers, Lien suggests that the photo-
graphs offer “a glimpse into a vanished time and the chance to create 
308      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
our own stories around the image and the cultural-historical context it 
springs from.” She cautions, “This is a process of making choices, for 
the world in itself is not a bearer of meaning. Events of the past, like 
those happening in the present, contain an abundance of single epi-
sodes and meanings. What we do as historians is to reconstruct a kind 
of order and connection within this chaos through language” (105). 
Throughout the book, Lien guides readers in this continuing work (or 
perhaps pleasure) of making meaning with photographs. Pictures of 
Longing will reward both the casual viewer and the serious student of 
photography and Norwegian immigration. 
 
 
Deadwood’s Al Swearingen: Manifest Evil in the Gem Theatre, by Jerry L. 
Bryant and Barbara Fifer. Helena, MT: Farcountry Press, 2018. x, 142 pp. 
Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $14.95 paperback. 
Reviewer Terrence J. Lindell is professor of history at Wartburg College. 
His research interests have included a wide range of topics in Iowa and 
South Dakota history. 
Ellis Albert “Al” Swearingen, the subject of this brief work, was born in 
Oskaloosa, Iowa, in 1845 and buried there after his mysterious death in 
Colorado in 1904. He spent much of his adult life in the West hunting 
his fortune by supplying entertainment, alcohol, and prostitutes to the 
inhabitants of mining towns, most notably Deadwood in Dakota Terri-
tory’s Black Hills. Fans of the HBO 2004–2006 series Deadwood will rec-
ognize him as the inspiration for the central character “Al Swearengen.” 
Jerry Bryant spent years researching Swearingen and his principal busi-
ness, the Gem Theatre, but died before this book reached completion. 
Barbara Fifer took up Bryant’s work and brought it to print. 
 Through six chapters Bryant and Fifer trace Swearingen, his busi-
nesses, and characters with whom he associated in Deadwood. A final 
chapter recounts the life of Al’s twin brother, Lemuel, an Oskaloosa 
businessman. The Deadwood chapters are chronological and are di-
vided into multiple segments that recount loosely connected incidents 
in Swearingen’s life or Deadwood’s history. Bryant’s research—over-
whelmingly in local newspapers—clearly reveals Swearingen’s disrep-
utable nature as brawler, abuser, cheat, and human trafficker. The book 
does not make links to relevant scholarly work on Deadwood such as 
Watson Parker’s Gold in the Black Hills and Deadwood: The Golden Years 
or to the larger body of scholarship on life in mining towns. The book 
will appeal primarily to individuals interested in the colorful figures of 
the Black Hills gold rush. 
 


Pictures of Longing: Photography and the Norwegian-American Migration

Review of: Women against Abortion: Inside the Largest Moral Reform Movement of the Twentieth Century, by Karissa Haugeberg

Gutierrez-Romine, Alicia

320      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
 This is Marilyn’s story, but it touches on issues social historians 
have explored through patient letters from other times and other sana-
toria: the limits of medical authority; institutional culture; ways that 
patients operate within and upon an institution; the effect of disease 
stigma on the social identity of an individual or group; the degree of 
boundary permeability between institution and outside world. Kru-
gerud does not address these issues explicitly, and the context and occa-
sional interpretation of Marilyn’s excerpts at times seem to be assumed 
knowledge rather than researched. That this book is not intended for an 
academic readership is evident from the seven endnotes, none of which 
reference the archival material or denote page location. The missing re-
search trail and lack of historiographical context notwithstanding, Mary 
Krugerud introduces an important source to which future scholars will 
add analysis. Ultimately, Marilyn Barnes’s letters are engaging, eliciting 
a vanished cultural and institutional era to be appreciated by generalists 
and specialists alike. 
 
 
Women against Abortion: Inside the Largest Moral Reform Movement of the 
Twentieth Century, by Karissa Haugeberg. Women, Gender, and Sexu-
ality in American History. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2017. 
viii, 220 pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $95 hardcover, 
$24.95 paperback. 
Reviewer Alicia Gutierrez-Romine is assistant professor of history at La Si-
erra University. She is the author of From Back Alley to the Border: Criminal 
Abortion in California, 1920–1969 (forthcoming). 
In Women Against Abortion, Karissa Haugeberg unearths the history of 
the pro-life movement from its beginnings in grassroots movements 
throughout the Midwest, and the women who made the movement 
possible. Haugeberg argues that while we may today associate aggres-
sive anti-abortion strategies with evangelical Protestant men, conservative 
white women developed these strategies as early as the 1960s, forming 
their own grassroots organizations—characterized by less formal struc-
tures and hierarchies—when national anti-abortion movements were too 
“slow-moving” or prioritized fetal rights over women’s interests (7).  
 Focusing on a number of high-profile women in the early anti-abor-
tion movement, including Marjory Mecklenburg, Dr. Mildred Jefferson, 
July Loesch, Joan Andrews, and Shelley Shannon, Haugeberg seeks to 
answer two questions: Why did these women participate in a move-
ment dedicated to ending abortion, and how did they find fulfillment 
and empowerment in this work? These women came to the anti-abortion 
movement through diverse avenues—religion, conservative ideologies, 
Book Reviews and Notices      321 
even progressive, social justice reform. Haugeberg explains how these 
early anti-abortion activists set the stage for the modern pro-life move-
ment with the tactics they employed—Crisis Pregnancy Centers, medical 
misinformation, protests, and violence—and the alliances they forged, 
with the Catholic church and the Republican Party, among others.  
 One of the points Haugeberg makes that is of particular interest is 
the notion that violence in the anti-abortion movement was not some-
thing that emerged isolated over time; rather, it existed early on in the 
movement. Haugeberg also does an excellent job of explaining how one 
place in the Midwest, Minnesota in particular, became the site for a local 
movement that turned national in scope. Haugeberg’s main focus is not 
the place where these women were performing their grassroots activ-
ism, but it does provide insight into how a patchwork of community 
organizations can mobilize to create a national movement through their 
own tireless work. However, aside from a few sentences on demography 
scattered throughout the book, there is not much of an explanation for 
why Minnesota proved to be a hotbed of early anti-abortion activity. 
 Haugeberg’s analyses of race, gender, and religion are also im-
portant to the book. She notes that many of the women who became 
involved in the anti-abortion movement were women who did not see 
the feminist reforms of the 1960s and 1970s as movements that would 
benefit them—instead, the women who became involved in the anti-
abortion movement saw the reform movements as indictments against 
their choices and as threats “to a social order that had shaped their 
lives” (3). Except for Dr. Jefferson, the women that Haugeberg discusses 
are white, working or middle class, and religious. This means that when 
they turned to more aggressive strategies to combat abortion—like 
chaining themselves to equipment, storming clinics, or trespassing—
they faced minimal legal consequences (usually community service or 
a few days in jail), allowing them to be effective towards that end.  
 For many women of the anti-abortion movement, their involve-
ment in the movement required a sort of mental gymnastics. They en-
couraged pregnant women to adopt traditional gender roles at the same 
time that they were outside the home and becoming politically active. 
However, many of the women framed their involvement as an extension 
of their maternal instincts—not unlike the arguments white women 
made or used in colonial or imperial projects, or at any other time that 
white women needed to justify political involvement or leaving the 
home. Even the women who were involved in the more extreme and 
violent aspects of the pro-life movement often framed their defense of 
violence along gendered lines.  
322      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
 If the records were available, I would have appreciated more dis-
cussion of Dr. Jefferson or other nonwhite contemporaries who were 
part of the anti-abortion movement. Additionally, on occasion, Hauge-
berg’s examples, though relevant and supportive, do not always align 
or coincide with the specific moment she’s speaking about. These are 
minor points that do not distract from the fact that Haugeberg has 
procuced a fascinating study of the early roots of the pro-life movement 
that should be read by anyone with an interest in women’s history, or 
who wants to trace the genealogy of the modern pro-life movement. 
 
 
Color Coded: Party Politics in the American West, 1950–2016, by Walter 
Nugent. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2018. x, 374 pp. Illus-
trations, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95 hardcover. 
Reviewer Cory Haala is a Ph.D. candidate in history at Marquette Univer-
sity. He is working on a dissertation on midwestern liberalism in the age of 
Reagan. 
If the 2016 elections shattered understandings of modern American 
political history, the 2018 midterms exacerbated the difficulty of piecing 
it back together. Yet, to University of Notre Dame professor emeritus 
Walter Nugent, over a half-century of elections necessitates a narrative 
characterizing the politics of the American West. 
 Using the U.S. Census definition of the West, plus the plains states 
from the Dakotas to Texas, Nugent surveys the political changes of 
America’s western half since 1950 and groups each state into one of five 
categories: states turning Republican, such as Texas; “reliably red” Great 
Plains states; swing states Montana, Colorado, Nevada, Arizona, and 
New Mexico; states becoming Democratic, such as Oregon and Califor-
nia; and thoroughly Democratic states (Hawaii and Washington). The 
result is a wealth of resources for scholars of western politics, including 
an appendix listing more than 5,000 electoral results for governorships, 
U.S. Senate seats, congressional races, and electoral votes. (State legisla-
tive control could have been given longer shrift, at least in similar tables 
in the appendix. For an example, see Michael J. Dubin, Party Affiliations 
in the State Legislatures: A Year by Year Summary, 1796–2006 [2007].) 
 Nugent argues that two primary developments underlie these mod-
ern classifications. First, energetic party building by men like Okla-
homa’s Harvey Bellmon and South Dakota’s George McGovern shifted 
power balances in one-party states. Second, incumbency and “the 
friendly drawing of district lines” reinforced political hierarchies in 
deep-red Texas and bright-blue California through processes like gerry-
mandering (255). Demographic shifts turned states like Colorado and 


Women against Abortion: Inside the Largest Moral Reform Movement of the Twentieth Century

Review of: "Ball Hawks: The Arrival and Departure of the NBA in Iowa," by Tim Harwood. Iow

Harris, Curtis

228      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
Ball Hawks: The Arrival and Departure of the NBA in Iowa, by Tim Har-
wood. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018. x, 217 pp. Illustra-
tions, appendixes, notes, index. $19.95 paperback. 
Reviewer Curtis Harris is a Ph.D. candidate in history at American Univer-
sity. His research and writing have focused on the relationships among 
race/ethnicity, labor rights, and social activism in professional basketball. 
In Ball Hawks, Tim Harwood details the brief yet compelling history 
of the Waterloo Hawks. As Harwood admits in his preface, “Major 
league basketball did not survive long in northeast Iowa” (x). None-
theless, the presence of professional basketball in Waterloo is worth 
remembering because it helps piece together the larger tapestry of ma-
jor league basketball in the United States. Indeed, Harwood’s chronicle 
joins a growing body of historical work—such as The National Basket-
ball League by Murry R. Nelson and Ball Don’t Lie by Yago Colas— 
reexamining the NBA’s origins and properly crediting the role com-
munities like Waterloo had in the process of creating that league. 
 Notably, Harwood’s research is not limited to the confines of the 
basketball court. His book opens with an overview of early twentieth-
century Waterloo, so readers can understand why the community and 
its leaders would invest in major league basketball during the 1940s. 
Throughout Ball Hawks, Harwood continues these important observa-
tions on larger social issues—including race, labor strife, war, and tech-
nology—alongside his chronicle of athletic exploits during the golden 
era of Waterloo basketball. 
 These insights are provided by Harwood interpreting contempo-
rary coverage of the Hawks—particularly by Waterloo Courier sports 
editor Al Ney. Those news sources are supplemented by the research of 
other scholars as well as oral history interviews with former Waterloo 
players Wayne See and Leo Kubiak. One wishes that even more oral 
history could have been included to capture the thoughts and emo-
tions of other people involved in the Hawks saga. Nonetheless, from 
this research process, readers can catch a laugh with the hardwood 
hijinks of player-coach Charlie Shipp, marvel at the scoring exploits 
of Kubiak, or wince at the grind players endured traveling through 
treacherous winter weather.  
 The transiency and chaos of pro basketball was not limited to travel. 
The Hawks participated in a different league every season of their ex-
istence: PBLA (1948), NBL (1949), NBA (1950), and NBPL (1951). This 
alphabet soup of disorder could overwhelm even seasoned sports 
readers, but one of Harwood’s great achievements is his ability to 
prudently explain the rise and demise of these leagues as well as their 
connections to one another. The transiency of pro hoops makes the 
Book Reviews and Notices      229 
determination of Waterloo’s community and basketball leaders more 
notable in hindsight. They concocted scheme after scheme to maintain 
a toehold in pro basketball that outlasted franchises in larger cities, 
such as Chicago or St. Louis. 
 To be sure, the Hawks were not a routine sell-out, but Harwood 
ably demonstrates that financial destitution did not cause their demise, 
as it did so many other clubs (and leagues) of the era. Instead, the 
NBA commissioner in 1950 bluntly declared cities like Waterloo unde-
sirable and summarily ousted the Hawks. That hostile maneuver tipped 
the scales against Waterloo, despite its relative financial stability, and 
still stings Danny Steiber. One of the few people left who witnessed 
the Hawks play, the elderly Steiber ruefully believes that “Waterloo 
could have been the Green Bay of basketball, if they had been able to 
play a second and third year in the NBA” (181). Without a permanent 
league to call their own, the Hawks folded in the fall of 1951. 
 Ball Hawks crisply captures Waterloo’s resolve to assert itself in the 
postwar era via professional basketball. Current and future sports 
writers should look upon Harwood’s text as an excellent template 
chronicling the role that smaller communities play in the development 
of professional sports—past and present. That Harwood ably imbues 
this sports story with all the humanity it is due makes reading it all the 
more enjoyable.  
 
 
Great Plains Literature, by Linda Ray Pratt. Discover the Great Plains 
Series. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2018. xi, 168 pp. Illustra-
tions, map, appendix, bibliography, index. $14.95 paperback.  
Reviewer Molly P. Rozum is Ronald R. Nelson Chair of Great Plains and 
South Dakota History and associate professor at the University of South 
Dakota. She is the author of Grasslands Grown: Sense of Place and Regional 
Identity on North America’s Canadian Prairies and American Plains, 1870–1950 
(forthcoming). 
In Great Plains Literature Linda Ray Pratt surveys historical and con-
temporary regional authors with depth and complexity. A joy to read, 
Pratt’s study offers scholarly insight while maintaining popular acces-
sibility. The study is one in a series of thematic introductions to the 
region as conceptualized by the Center for Great Plains Studies, join-
ing volumes focused on geology, bison, Indians, and politics. Pratt 
selected literary works driven by the history and culture of, not merely 
set on, the Great Plains. Each chapter focuses on several thoughtfully 
selected authors who explore particular topics: First People, the Great 


Ball Hawks: The Arrival and Departure of the NBA in Iowa

Review of: "Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920," by Sara Egge

Stek, Pam

220      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
when at least two of the four more recent works, published within the 
last three years, give some Modoc perspective. Finally, it is often diffi-
cult to tell when Stockwell is speaking for herself or paraphrasing some-
one else. For example, “It might take a generation or two, but by the 
end of the century the Navajo would look and act exactly like most 
Americans” (61); and “Grant instead would intervene on behalf of the 
Indians to save them” (63). After discussing Parker’s marriage to a 
white woman, Stockwell writes, “At some point in the future, the two 
peoples, white and red, would become one through intermarriage” 
(66). Such examples occur throughout the book, creating a thread of 
Eurocentrism or sloppy attribution. 
 Overall, Stockwell tries to walk the line between a new historiog-
raphy and a popular history of a major historical figure. She does well 
in the latter, offering a balanced portrayal of Grant and his dilemmas 
over the unsolvable “Indian problem.” But the historiography raises a 
problem. Stockwell follows C. Joseph Genetin-Pilawa’s argument in 
Crooked Paths to Allotment: The Fight over Federal Indian Policy after the 
Civil War (2012) that Indians and the country would have fared far 
better if Ely Parker had not been forced out of his position as commis-
sioner. That is far too simplistic. The historiographical point that’s 
missing is how Grant brought his total war mentality to the West. His 
strategy in the Civil War sacrificed lives to end the war quickly, thus 
saving lives in the long run. He similarly brought the sword to bear on 
Indians off the reservation to potentially save their lives by putting 
them on well-run government agencies. His strategy established res-
ervations all over the West, and Native Americans have kept them in 
existence and significant. Although reservations are not ideal places 
for many reasons, few American Indians want them to end. That is the 
significance of Grant’s Indian policy that has been lost on historians 
and leaves a new avenue for future research.  
 
 
Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920, by Sara Egge. 
Iowa and the Midwest Experience Series. Iowa City: University of 
Iowa Press, 2018. xi, 233 pp. Maps, illustrations, notes, bibliography, 
index. $85 paperback. 
Reviewer Pam Stek recently received her Ph.D. in history from the Uni-
versity of Iowa. Her dissertation was titled “Immigrant Women’s Political 
Activism in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, 1880–1920.”  
In Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920, Sara Egge 
argues convincingly that midwestern suffragists’ struggles to gain the 
vote are best viewed through the frame of their spirited and deter-
Book Reviews and Notices      221 
mined efforts to help settle the region and develop community institu-
tions. Over time, women in Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota built 
their claims for the ballot on the foundation of civic responsibility, 
community leadership, and wartime loyalty. Suffrage victories did not 
come easily, but midwestern women persevered, continually reevalu-
ating and honing their message and strategies until the ratification of 
the Nineteenth Amendment solidified women’s political equality. 
 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, midwestern 
suffrage activists, like those in other parts of the nation, invested sub-
stantial time and energy in the fight for the ballot but realized few sig-
nificant gains. The national women’s rights movement faced inter-
necine struggles in the latter decades of the nineteenth century; the 
1869 split into two rival factions hampered concerted activism. During 
those early years, as Egge shows, women in Iowa, Minnesota, and 
South Dakota started organizing suffrage associations that would later 
form the backbone of support for state suffrage amendments. Just as 
importantly, however, they also began to develop political identities 
and skills through their membership in women’s clubs, temperance 
organizations, and church-based ladies’ aid societies, as they worked to 
advance the construction and development of churches, schools, parks, 
and libraries. They claimed a civic presence while working within 
gendered boundaries of female respectability. 
 The reemergence in 1890 of a unified national suffrage organization, 
following the merger of the National Woman Suffrage Association with 
its rival, the American Woman Suffrage Association, coincided with an 
escalation of suffrage activism in the Midwest. As Egge points out, 
South Dakota suffrage activists supported three suffrage amendments 
in the 1890s, all of which were defeated for various reasons, including 
woman suffrage’s association with temperance reform, tensions between 
state and local leaders, and the difficulties suffrage workers faced in 
traveling across the state to make their case to voters. Suffragists in Iowa 
and Minnesota also failed to achieve any victories during these years, 
but they continued to organize and adapt. 
 Part of that adaptation involved reevaluating the basis of women’s 
claims for full citizenship. Egge demonstrates that during the early 
years of the movement, suffrage leaders tended to structure their calls 
for the ballot in terms of women’s equal rights. As the years rolled on 
with few tangible successes, suffragists began to reframe their claim for 
the vote in the language of municipal housekeeping: women’s inherent 
morality and virtue positioned them as able and indeed vital members 
of the body politic. These arguments resonated more strongly with 
midwestern voters than did those based on more radical ideas about 
222      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
female equality. In the years between 1900 and 1916 suffrage cam-
paigns in Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota continued to end in de-
feat, but the cause was slowly gaining increased support among voters. 
 In 1917 U.S. entry into World War I allowed suffragists to use civic 
duty and national loyalty as a means to claim full citizenship rights. As 
Egge shows, midwestern suffrage leaders embraced the war effort, and 
suffrage workers’ reputations as skilled and savvy community organ-
izers allowed them to transform their work for the ballot into home-
front mobilization. Wartime exigencies also allowed native-born suf-
frage activists to counterpose their demonstrated patriotism against the 
suspect sensibilities of European immigrants, a group that midwestern 
suffragists had always blamed for their electoral defeats. Suffragists’ 
efforts to claim political equality in exchange for wartime service paid 
off with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitu-
tion, which guaranteed women’s right to vote, on August 18, 1920. 
 Egge’s study is a local one that focuses on one county in each state: 
Clay County in Iowa, Lyon County in Minnesota, and Yankton County 
in South Dakota. That approach allows her to dig deeply into local 
newspapers, community histories, church documents, personal corre-
spondence, and other records preserved in county museums, public 
libraries, and community centers. It permits an understanding of suf-
frage work in the context of activists’ daily lives, as part of their inter-
actions with others in their communities and in concert with their efforts 
to develop local institutions and services. Suffragists were not just ac-
tivists; they were also wives, mothers, neighbors, and church members. 
Examining their grassroots struggle for political equality allows readers 
to see the movement as its adherents did, as part of a larger effort to 
build social and political institutions in the rural Midwest. 
 This kind of study allows for a deeper understanding of local con-
cerns and strategies, but Egge does not address the question of whether 
her conclusions are equally applicable to other counties in the states 
under examination, including urban, industrializing areas. Suffrage 
activists in rural counties may have used different strategies, pursued 
different goals, and had at their disposal different resources than did 
suffragists in metropolitan areas. Also, as Egge points out, suffrage 
leaders in rural counties often blamed immigrant men for standing in 
the way of woman suffrage. Limited local studies do not address the 
extent to which German and Scandinavian immigrant suffragists shared 
those views. Women like Clara Heckrich, the corresponding secretary 
of the Minnesota Woman Suffrage Association in Minneapolis and a 
second-generation German immigrant, and members of the Minnesota 
Scandinavian Woman Suffrage Association, which was based in the 
Book Reviews and Notices      223 
Twin Cities and made up of women of Swedish, Norwegian, and Dan-
ish descent, comprehended citizenship and suffrage through the lens of 
their experiences as immigrants. Focusing on just three counties limits 
our appreciation of the movement’s diversity in these three states and 
of the ways different groups of midwestern women understood and 
worked for political equality.  
 Despite these limitations of scope, Woman Suffrage and Citizenship 
in the Midwest offers valuable insight into midwestern women’s long, 
difficult struggle for the ballot and provides compelling analysis of 
what their suffrage activism can tell us about gender, citizenship, and 
national belonging. 
 
 
Crusader for Democracy: The Political Life of William Allen White, by 
Charles Delgadillo. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2018. vii, 315 
pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95 hardcover. 
Reviewer Jeff Wells is associate professor of history at the University of 
Nebraska at Kearney. His current research focuses on the journalists of the 
Farmers’ Alliance and the People’s Party. 
William Allen White gained widespread attention with his 1896 anti-
Populist editorial, “What’s the Matter with Kansas?” He continued to 
influence national politics for more than four decades. Other biog-
raphers emphasize White’s midwestern values and relationship with 
his home town of Emporia, Kansas; in Crusader for Democracy Charles 
Delgadillo explores how White applied his regional small-town ideol-
ogy during his career as a national political figure. 
 Throughout the early twentieth century, White (1868–1944) was 
the voice of the midwestern middle class. He bought the Emporia Ga-
zette in 1896 but cultivated an audience far beyond Kansas as a writer 
for influential progressive magazines, as a novelist, and as a syndicated 
correspondent at major events such as the Versailles Peace Conference 
and the Washington Naval Conference. He broke from the influence 
of a political boss to become an independent voice for reform within 
the Republican Party, which dominated Kansas politics. He admired 
and befriended Theodore Roosevelt and forged relationships with his 
successors. His extensive international travel informed his commentary. 
In the Soviet Union, White observed that the Russians had exchanged 
liberty for security and peace. His tours of fascist countries convinced 
him that social justice was a national security issue. He was a liberal 
internationalist during the 1920s, when the GOP was defined by conser-
vatives and isolationists, yet he remained loyal to the party throughout 
his career, with the notable exceptions of his support for his hero Theo-


Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920

Back Matter, The Annals of Iowa, v. 78 no. 1 Winter 2019

Review of: "Dodge City and the Birth of the Wild West," by Robert R. Dykstra and Jo Ann Manfra

Ellis, Mark R

94      THE ANNALS OF IOWA 
 Midwesterners dominated the ranks of most units in the Union’s 
western armies and constituted 77.7 percent of the 410 officers included 
in this study. Several were from Iowa, including Col. John Edwards of 
the Eighteenth Iowa Infantry, who in August 1862 secured the assis-
tance of Governor Samuel Kirkwood in his efforts to remove his unit 
from the authority of Missouri militiamen, who insisted that they expel 
fugitive slaves from their camp. Capt. George C. Burmeister, Thirty-
fifth Iowa Infantry, whose diary is housed in the U.S. Army Military 
History Institute (Carlisle, Pennsylvania), also features prominently in 
Teters’s analysis. Perhaps most poignant were the experiences of Dr. 
William Vermilion, an officer in the Thirty-sixth Iowa. A self-described 
abolitionist, his published letters to his wife indicate that his father and 
brothers ostracized him for his beliefs. Lamented a rueful Vermilion, 
“They don’t want to correspond with an Abolitionist I suppose” (69).
  
 
Dodge City and the Birth of the Wild West, by Robert R. Dykstra and Jo 
Ann Manfra. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017. 236 pp. Illus-
trations, appendix, notes, index. $22.95 paperback. 
Reviewer Mark R. Ellis is professor of history and chair of the History De-
partment at the University of Nebraska at Kearney. He is the author of Law 
and Order in Buffalo Bill’s Country: Legal Culture and Community on the Great 
Plains, 1867–1910 (2007). 
When Americans think of Dodge City, a number of images come to 
mind. Some might remember fictionalized television characters from 
the long-running television series Gunsmoke: Marshal Matt Dillon, Miss 
Kitty, and Festus. Others might think of historical figures who have be-
come entwined in American popular culture such as Wyatt Earp and 
Bat Masterson who, during brief periods of their careers, policed the 
streets and vice industries of Dodge City. The iconic image of “Boothill,” 
where victims of gun violence and vigilantes reportedly lay buried with 
their boots on is a popular frontier image and one closely associated 
with Dodge City. Most Americans have heard and perhaps used the 
phrase, “Get outta Dodge,” which refers to a speedy escape from a dan-
gerous place or situation. In Dodge City and the Birth of the Wild West, 
authors Robert Dykstra and Jo Ann Manfra explore this popular cul-
tural fascination with Dodge City and its purported disorderly frontier 
period. 
 Dykstra is an expert on frontier communities. His influential book 
The Cattle Towns, published 50 years ago, forced historians to rethink 
the nature of personal and extralegal violence in frontier America. For 
decades he has used his research on frontier-era Dodge City and other 
Book Reviews and Notices      95 
Kansas cattle towns to challenge scholars who cling to an image of an 
American frontier plagued by violence and disorder. Dykstra is joined 
by Jo Ann Manfra, with whom he coauthored The Gilded Age: Industrial 
Capitalism and its Discontents. They have produced a lively story of his-
torical Dodge City but also a well-argued account of Dodge City in pop-
ular myth and historical memory. 
 The authors’ primary purpose is to explore how and why Dodge 
City continues to be associated with frontier violence and disorder. To 
do that, they return to the town’s origins, when it was nothing more 
than a pre-emption claim along the Arkansas River near Fort Dodge. 
During its first year of existence (June 1872 to July 1873) Dodge City was 
very much the violent frontier community depicted in fiction and Holly-
wood movies. It might have been good advice to “Get outta Dodge” 
during that violent period. The authors use a host of local, regional, and 
national newspapers to recapture the violent episodes of that first year.  
 Several chapters highlight how sensational or fictionalized accounts 
of Dodge City helped perpetuate the image of a violent frontier commu-
nity. Kansas newspapers such as the Topeka Commonwealth, sensational-
ized publications such as the National Police Gazette, and books such as 
Andy Adams’s Log of a Cowboy and Stuart Lake’s biography of Wyatt Earp 
kept Dodge City in the public eye through exaggerated stories of gun-
fights, vigilantes, and disorderly behavior. The authors skillfully dissect 
these historically questionable accounts to explain why a violent Dodge 
City is still engrained in the popular conscience, and why Dodge Citians, 
many scholars, and the public in general cling to such an image. 
 Dodge City and the Birth of the Wild West is thoroughly researched, 
relying heavily on the colorful language of contemporary local, state, 
and national publications. Much of what appears in this book is derived 
from Dykstra’s previous works, but the final chapter, “Contesting Boot 
Hill,” carries Dodge City’s story beyond the frontier period into the 
twentieth century. In it the authors outline how Dodge City itself has 
struggled with its reputation as a violent frontier town. The chapter 
highlights how the people of Dodge have argued over whether to retain 
such an image for tourist purposes or to shed the image all together. 
 This is a timely book, given the nation’s heated debate over gun 
rights and the Second Amendment. While not explicitly stated, it is clear 
that effective law enforcement, gun control, and civic interest in com-
munity brought an end to deadly violence in Dodge City. There is noth-
ing specific about Iowa history in this book, but those with an interest 
in the American frontier, colorful frontier figures, or studies of historical 
myth and memory will find much to appreciate.  
 


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