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Policy integration in the European Union: mapping patterns of intersectoral policy-making over time and across policy sectors
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Antitrust enforcement in the airline industry: a critical assessment of two recent cases
No full textRevising Africa, Remaining Normative Power: Verbal (Re-)Production of National Identity in German News Coverage on Minusma
No full textDemocratic journalism is meant to be balanced, providing ‘neutral’ information in order to enable citizens to form their own opinion. Nonetheless, news coverage is in uenced by cultural and historical contexts, which affect and are mirrored by the language used. This contribution provides an outlook on which (historically developed) ideas about ‘western’ and ‘non-western’ countries appear in Germanonline newspaper covering the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, MINUSMA. Beneath the thematic content of the news coverage linguistic devices like metaphors, catchphrases and labels have major impact on the perception of the intervention as well as the nations and actors associated with it (e. g.Mamadough 2022). I argue that, even though the idea of a powerful global north that enables the capacities of the global south is not made explicit in German news, the popular idea of the non-western Other which needs “either to be feared [...] or to be controlled” (Said 2019: 301, Thomas-Olalde & Velho 2011) is subliminally reproduced by several linguistic devices. Most striking in the coverage I analyzed are the diametrically opposed membership categorization devices (Peter & Chiluwa 2022) used to describe Malian and German actors and the family metaphor (Lakoff 1995). The former portray the separatist from Northern Mali as inhumane terrorists and the UN soldiers as empathic rescuer. The latter replicates the idea of Germany being the superior mature “grown-up”, either caring for the(inferior) Malian civil society (“child”) or trying to rear the (morally inferior) military government (“teenager”). Overall, German actors are described as subjects being capable to act purposeful, while then Malian civil society is the passive object and the separatists are acting haphazardly. Overall, the coverage reflects the idea of Germany being part of ‘Normative Power Europe’ which distinguishes from the Other framed as inferior and / or threat (Diez 2005)
Große Sprachmodelle und Bürokratieabbau
No full textGenerative künstliche Intelligenz und große Sprachmodelle (Large Language Models: LLMs) finden im öffentlichen Sektor zunehmend Anwendung. Diese Abhandlung untersucht, welchen Beitrag LLMs zum Bürokratieabbau leisten können, insbesondere wo sie dazu im Politikzyklus gezielt ansetzen können und welche Handlungsempfehlungen sich daraus ergeben. Nach einer theoretischen Einordnung werden Bürokratieabbau, große Sprachmodelle und der Politikzyklus dargestellt und miteinander verknüpft. Ansatzpunkte für LLMs im sechsstufigen Politikzyklus werden dann identifiziert sowie Chancen und Risiken diskutiert. Daraus resultierende Empfehlungen adressieren den Einsatz von Sprachmodellen in Politik, Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung. Abschließend werden die Erkenntnisse zusammengefasst und offene Forschungsfragen skizziert
Simulating Party Competition in Dynamic Voter Distributions
No full textWe study strategic party interaction in a spatial voting model where voters’ ideological positions may change. Building on a rich empirical and theoretical literature, we assume that voters align their ideology with others who are sufficiently close to them (social influence with bounded confidence) as well as with the party that they support (party attraction). We show that these changes have strong implications on the results of the party competition model by Laver (2005). Two strategies stand out in our simulations: Aggregators, who always follow the mean policy of their supporters, and predators, who always chase the strongest party. Aggregators are most likely to win in a large corridor of the parameter space. However, predators can outperform them if party attraction is strong. This is interesting because predators are on average the worst-performing parties in the static voter distribution benchmark. We argue that these results are connected to real-world debates about how mainstream parties should react to the rise of extremist parties, as the two strategies epitomize debates about focusing on own strengths and supporters (aggregators) vs. adapting towards successful extremists (predators). We also demonstrate that the level of polarization and fragmentation of parties and voters is strongly affected by social influence and party attraction. While medium-sized confidence bounds and party attraction increase the polarization of voters and parties, unconstrained social influence decreases it
Wie smart darf Polizeiarbeit eigentlich werden? Warum in Zeiten smarter Objekte, cyberphysischer Systeme, des Internets der Dinge und smarter, KI-basierter Überwachungssysteme der Rahmen für Polizeiarbeit zu reflektieren und erweitert zu regeln ist
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