The Nordic Africa Institute
Not a member yet
1081 research outputs found
Sort by
Movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) : political marginalization, repression and petro-insurgency in the Niger Delta
No full textThis Discussion paper addresses the linkages between the political economy of oil and violent conflict in Nigeria’s main oil and gas producing region, the Niger Delta. It is based on a case study of the insurgent Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), which has targeted and attacked the interests of international oil companies and the federal government in the oil-rich, but impoverished, Niger Delta region of Nigeria, in its professed campaign for the control of the oil wealth of the region for the benefit of local people. Through this study of MEND, fresh perspectives are brought to bear on the causes and ramifications of the oil conflict in the region, and the role of various actors at the local, national and international levels. This is important in grasping the nature of the violence in the Niger Delta and Nigeria and the enormity of the task of resolving the complex conflict in which the region is immersed. It is a challenge, which as the author argues, transcends the resort to the militarized or securitized solutions that often fail to adequately address the roots of conflict
Persuasive prevention : Towards a Principle for Implementing Article 4(h) and R2P by the African Union
No full textWhile the legality of intervention without Security Council authorisation is still debatablein international law, over-reliance on military intervention increases the risk of too much focus on reactive rather than proactive strategies. If the thresholds for Article 4(h) intervention – like those of the responsibility to protect – are serious international crimes subject to universal jurisdiction, it follows that measures to ensure the observance of the law in prospect, rather than intervention and penalisation of violations in retrospect,are important in preventing violations. Therefore, in order to in a timely manner and effectively implement Article 4(h) and R2P, the missing link is borderless ‘persuasive prevention’ which aims at enforcing fundamental human rights obligations to prevent mass atrocity crimes stipulated in Article 4(h). To this end, as a minimum, the AU should discharge its responsibility to prevent human rights violations through the ‘force of law’. Where atrocities are likely to take place, the African Standby Force (ASF) should be deployedin a timely way, not to defeat a State, but to pursue perpetrators of mass atrocity crimes. To achieve this, the ASF should have the ‘capability to protect’ to ensure the ‘obligationto prosecute or extradite’. Although the AU has taken an interventionist stance, what is needed most is early action to prevent mass atrocity crimes. The AU may need to establish a body to monitor the implementation of obligations whose breach may lead to the heinous crimes in Article 4(h). In addition, the AU needs a legally binding instrument to ensure accountability and end impunity for crimes in Article 4(h). The idea is to influencethe calculus of potential authors of atrocities and ensure compliance with human rights and humanitarian law obligations
Cadres, capitalists, elites and coalitions : The ANC, business and development in South Africa
No full textThe transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa is widely regarded as an exemplary case of an elite political settlement. Moreover, South Africa’s political history in the last two decades can certainly be understood in terms of the way old, new, political and economic elites interacted in different domains and sectors to resolve major collective problems and produce institutional solutions that would work – even if some of these solutions appeared contentious – and cater to broad interests. The political settlement achieved by opposing elites produced a unique democratic pact. However, less attention has been paid to the economic pact achieved by these elites. As a liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC) advocated nationalisation to undo the socioeconomic legacies of apartheid, but once the political transition had commenced, it discarded nationalisation. Instead, ANC elites opted for pro-business/market policies, which stabilised the economy and attracted much needed foreign direct investment. Their decision was partly attributable to the negotiated political and economic pacts that they concluded with National Party elites and ‘white’ capital. With the political or democratic pact in place, the negotiation and consolidation of the economic pact was achieved with the formation of numerous formal and informal coalitions with first ‘white’ and later ‘black’ capital to undo the economic legacies of apartheid. Not only did the pact result led to a stable political transition, it also in political and economic transformation. More importantly, early signs are now evident of a developmental pact that may result in a successful developmental state capable of achieving equality and equity for all in post-apartheid South Africa.CONTENTS -- PART ONE: INTRODUCTION -- PART TWO: LEADERS, ELITES AND COALITIONS PRIOR TO PACT-MAKING (1986-91)-- PART THREE: DEMOCRATISATION PACT-MAKING (1991-94) -- PART FOUR: ECONOMIC PACT-MAKING -- PART FIVE: EMERGENCE OF DEVELOPMENT PACT-MAKING? -- PART SIX: CONCLUSIO
Participation of the Diaspora in the Joint Africa-EU Strategic Partnership
No full textThe Joint Africa-EU Strategic Partnership and Action Plan was adopted in Lisbon in 2007. This new strategy, which is often referred to as a ‘people-centred partnership’, was launched with the purpose of scaling-up political dialogue between the African Union (AU) and the EU in the interests of building a solid and sustainable continent-to-continent partnership. It aims to reinvigorate and elevate cooperation between Africa and Europe in the fight against poverty, injustice, human rights violations, lawlessness, insecurity and political and social instability. The priorities of the partnership programme are organised around eight themes: peace and security; democratic governance and human rights; trade, regional integration and infrastructure; the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); energy; climate change; migration, mobility and employment; and science, information society and space. The programme stipulates that Africa and the EU will pursue and implement policies and programmes that facilitate the active involvement of diaspora communities in the implementation of the strategy
Mining in Africa : regulation and development
No full textThe continent of Africa is rich in minerals needed by Western economies. Yet the mining industry contributes very little to African development. Investigating the impact of the 2003 Extractive Industries Review on a number of African countries, the contributors find that a key dimension of the problem lies in the regulatory frameworks imposed on African countries by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. They aim to convince academics, governments, and industry that regulation needs to be reformed to create a mining industry favourable to social and economic development and environmental protection. The book takes a multidisciplinary approach and provides an historical perspective of each country, making it ideal for students of development studies.CONTENTS:AcknowledgementsIntroduction - Bonnie CampbellChapter 1. Mining in Ghana: Implications for National Economic Development and Poverty Reduction – Thomas AkabzaaChapter 2. Guinea and Bauxite-Aluminum: The Challenges of Development and Poverty Reduction – Bonnie CampbellChapter 3. Mining, Poverty Reduction, the Protection of the Environment and the Role of the World Bank Group in Mali – Gisèle BelemChapter 4. Mining and Protection of the Environment in Madagascar – Bruno SarrasinChapter 5. Governance, Human Rights and Mining in the Democratic Republic of the Congo – Marie MazaltoChapter 6. Conclusion: What Development Model? What Government Agenda? – Bonnie CampbellIndex</p
Examining the South Africa–China agricultural trading relationship
No full textIn recent years, Africa has emerged as a dominant region in China’s foreign policy. As an emerging center of economic growth in the world economy, China is striving towards establishing a stronger footprint in Africa than ever before. The need to understand this rapprochement has been exacerbated by the current financial crisis.With focus on agricultural trade, this book uses empirical data spanning up to year end 2007 to explain the potential benefits of China growing trade in Africa on South Africa’s economy. The studies cover both China and South Africa’s positions as importer and exporter of agricultural products in each other’s markets. In doing so, they have carefully analyzed data from Chinese and South African sources. In order to give a fresh perspective to the analyses, a section of the work has been devoted to the nature of non-tariff barriers that face South Africa’s exporters into the Chinese market.CONTENTS List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Abbreviations and Acronyms -- Acknowledgements -- Foreword -- 1. Introduction 1.1 Background 1.2 Objective and Outline of the Paper -- 2. The Trading Background: China and South Africa 2.1 Overview of China's Aggregate Trade 2.1.1 China's Exports 2.1.2 China's Imports 2.2 Overview of South Africa's Aggregate Trade 2.2.1 South Africa's Exports 2.2.2 South Africa’s Imports 2.3 Reconciliation of Data on Trade between China and South Africa 2.4 China’s Agricultural Trade 2.4.1 China’s Agricultural Imports 2.4.2 China’s Agricultural Exports 2.5 South Africa’s Agricultural Trade 2.5.1 South Africa’s Agricultural Trade with the World 2.5.2 South Africa’s Agricultural Trade with China 2.5.3 Competition Dynamics in China’s Market 2.5.4 Factors Limiting South Africa’s Exports to China -- 3. Modelling the Possible Role of Chinese Imports in Stimulating Future South African Exports 3.1 The GTAP Model 3.2 Findings from a GTAP Simulation of a SACU-China Free Trade Agreement 3.2.1 Projected Changes in Trade Flows 3.2.2 Projected Welfare Impact 3.3 Limitations of the GTAP Model 3.4 Findings from Extended Econometric Analysis 3.4.1 The BFAP Model 3.4.2 The PROVIDE Model 3.5 Concluding comments -- 4. Non-tariff Barriers (NTBs) 4.1 An overview of NTBs 4.2 Assessment of NTBs 4.3 Specific NTBs against Agricultural Exports to China and their Impact 4.3.1 Tariff Rate Quotas (TRQs) 4.3.2 State Trading Enterprises 4.3.3 Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures 4.3.3 Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures 4.3.3 Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures -- 5. Identifying NTBs on Western Cape Fruit Producers to China: A Survey 5.1 Methodology and Instrumentation 5.2 Overview of NTBs against Western Cape Exports of Fruits to China and their Impact 5.2.2 Logistics and Cold Sterilisation Requirements 5.2.3 Registration of Orchards, Documentation 5.3 Comparable Overview of NTBs against Australia’s Exports to China 5.3.1 Wool 5.3.2 Horticulture and Wine 5.3.3 Meat and other Animal Products 5.4 Perceived Costs of Doing Business with China 5.4.1 More Costly Logistics 5.4.2 Lack of Distribution Channels 5.4.3 Accreditation Period 5.4.4 High Import Tariffs 5.4.5 More Experienced Competing Players 5.4.6 Other Constraints -- 6. Conclusions -- References -- Annexe
Sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeeping operations in contemporary Africa
No full textIn international peacekeeping operations (PKOs) some individuals are involved in sexual exploitation and abuse of the host country’s population, buying of sexual services and trafficking of prostitutes. Far from being a new phenomenon it goes back a long time, and reports on the issue have increased over the years. All too frequently we read about peacekeepers visiting prostitutes, committing rape, or in other ways sexually exploiting host populations. Some peacekeepers are taking advantage of the power their work gives them, and becoming abusers rather than protectors in situations where the host population is powerless and in dire need of protection. Peacekeepers’ abuse of their mandate is inflicting severe damage on host societies and often results in a number of unintended consequences such as human rights violations, rapid spread of HIV, decreased trust in the UN as well as other international aid agencies, and harmful changes to gender patterns. Women and children, both girls and boys, are especially exposed. Having already suffered from war and instability they risk becoming even more physically and mentally wounded. Peacekeeping operations risk doing more harm than good in African war zones, and if they cannot learn from previous mistakes maybe they ought to stay at home. We do not argue for the latter; rather, we point towards the urgent need to change explicit and implicit patterns and habits in international peacekeeping operations in relation to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) in Africa. In this Policy Note we focus predominantly on military staff, but acknowledge that the civilian staff of PKOs, and international aid workers, are also implicated. On the other hand it should initially be pointed out that most PKO staff are not sexual exploiters and abusers
China, India, Russia and the United States : The Scramble for African Oil and the Militarization of the Continent
No full textSince the end of the Cold War, Africa’s status in the internationalgeopolitical order has risen dramatically. The continent was once treated as a convenient battlefield in the global rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. Now, the continent’s increasing importance as a source of energy supplies and other raw materials, has radically altered the picture. This has led to the growing economic and military involvement of China, India, and other emerging industrial powers in Africa and to the re-emergence of Russia as an economic and military power on the continent. In response the United States has dramatically increased its military presence in Africa and created a new military command – the Africa Command or Africom – to protect what it has defined as its “strategic national interests” in Africa. This has ignited what has come to be known as the “new scramble for Africa” and is transforming the security architecture of Africa
As Angolanas
No full textThe first time that I met Angolan women was in 1976 when Ruth Neto and Maria Mambo Café visited Stockholm, gathered by Svenska Kvinnors Vänsterförbund (Women’s Association of the Swedish Left, SKV). In 1978 I received a journalism scholarship by SIDA (Swedish International Development Agency) and spent six weeks in Angola to get acquainted to know the Organization of Angolan Women (OMA, Organizacão de Mulher Angolana). I travelled to Huambo with two OMA officials: Irene Neto, (sister of the first president of the Angolan republic, Augustinho Neto) and Luisa Chongolola. The visit to Angola resulted in a book, jointly written with Hillevi Nilsson of AGIS (The Africa Groups of Sweden) published in Swedish, about the OMA in the form of written testimonies about the role of the Angolan woman. I returned to Angola invited to a congress of the OMA in 1983, and later, in 1990, to work in Luanda for the OMA until 1993. I made joint articles with Idalinda Rodrigues who at that time was an employee of the OMA. Helena Cunha acted as consultant regarding portuguese language. All the articles have been published/appeared in the Jornal de Angola. The photographer Cinquenta of the Jornal de Angola also helped me get to know Luanda well. We tried publishing a book in 1992, but this was not possible due to the reemergence of war in Luanda in the end of October of that year. The texts were written between 1979 and 1992, and AGIS added a chapter in 2006.A primeira vez que encontrei com mulheres de Angola foi em 1976 quando Ruth Neto e Maria Mambo Café visitaram Estocolmo, convidadas de SKV, Svenska Kvinnors Vänsterförbund (Associação Sueca de Mulheres da Esquerda). Em 1978 recebí uma bolsa de jornalismo da ASDI (Autoridade Sueca para o Desenvolvimento Internacional) e fiquei seis meses em Angola para conhecer a OMA (Organização da Mulher Angolana). Viajei para Huambo com duas funcionarias da OMA: Irene Neto, irmã do primeiro presidente da Republica de Angola, Agustinho Neto, e Luisa Chongolola. A visita em Angola resultou num livro escrito junto com Hillevi Nilsson de GAS (Grupos Africa da Suecia) editado em sueco sobre a OMA com contos do papel da mulher angolana. Voltei à Angola convidada num congresso da OMA em 1983 e depois em 1990 para trabalhar em Luanda na OMA até 1993. Fiz reportagens junto com Idalinda Rodrigues que naquela altura era funcionaria da OMA. Helena Cunha era consultora da lingua portuguesa. Todos esses artigos apareceram no Jornal de Angola. O fotógrafo Cinquenta de Jornal de Angola também me ajudou bem conhecer Luanda. Tentamos fazer um livro em 1992 mas não foi possivel por caso da guerra que recomeçou em Luanda no final de outobro este ano. Os textos foram escritos entre 1979 e 1992. GAS adicionou um capitulo em 2006