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Peacebuilding or 'Peacedelaying': Social Exclusion of Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons in Post-war Serbia
No full textSince the end of Kosovo war (1999), peacebuilding efforts of local and international actors in Serbia have been mainly focused on improving the socioeconomic situation. The liberal peace administrated in Serbia implied, among other things, the country transformation towards a more open and deregulated model of economy, and inevitably led to the 'commodification of welfare' [Pugh, M. (2009). Towards life welfare. In E. Newman, R. Paris, & O. Richmond (Eds.), New perspectives on liberal peacebuilding (pp. 78-97). New York, NY: United Nations University Press] through market-oriented policies and tools. The transition also created deep social cleavages between the winners and the losers of war-to-peace transition, and further marginalized the most vulnerable groups in the society. This applies in particular to forced migrants, refugees from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and internally displaced persons from Kosovo. By employing the concept of social exclusion the paper investigates to which extent the marginalization of these groups is the result of liberal peacebuilding, and if such effects are causing 'peacedelaying' in post-war Serbia
Per non rimanere soli : la Jugoslavia e la sinistra italiana, 1948-1957
No full textThe main aim of this paper is to examine, on the basis of relevant and so far unpublished documents from Belgrade archives, the stance of Yugoslav communists towards the Italian left after Yugoslavia’s expulsion from the Cominform in 1948. Since the breakup with the Cominform in the same time meant the termination of cooperation with the closest party until then – the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), Yugoslavia was very active in trying to win support of other Italian left-wing parties, movements or individuals. This required the widest possible basis for gathering all left-wing members into a broad spectrum which would encompass everybody, from communists to social democrats. The initial attempts to win the support of the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) through the existing sympathies of its leaders did not give the expected results, because this party after some time took the same attitude as the PCI and the Cominform. In the same time, they also failed to gain a stronghold with some other parties of the Italian left, like the Partito Socialista Unitario. The Yugoslav attempt to organize a so-called “progressive movement” in Italy, composed of various pro-Yugoslav party dropouts, also had a very modest effect. A bit more significant stronghold was obtained only after the emergence of the two pro-Yugoslav dissidents – Valdo Magnani and Aldo Cucchi – who withdrew from the PCI in 1951 and organized their own Movimento Lavoratori Italiani, which soon grew into the Unione Socialista Indipendente, both movements enjoying the Yugoslav support. After the reconciliation with the USSR, Yugoslavia resumed the relations with the leading Italian left-wing parties – in 1956 with the PCI and the next year, 1957, with the PSI
Social Problems as Constructs of Social Reality
Get PDFSocial problems are perceived situations incompatible with the values of a significant number of people, which lead to negative social and economic consequences. Their basic characteristics are: that they are predominantly caused by social factors, mass, awareness of their existence and that they can be eliminated by social measures and interventions. The paper analyzes whether social problems are objective social facts that are not questionable or whether social constructs are based on perception, interiorization and cultural diversity. In particular, the influence of social constructivism on the relation of social workers and users, i.e. understanding of the nature of social needs, is pointed out. Social problems, become part of human reality through the processes of externalization, objectification and internalization, which indicates that they can to a significant extent be considered social constructs. This can explain why some of the phenomena, which from the point of view of objective criteria represent social problems in some societies and they are perceived as such, unlike others. In this sense, social problems are not only “objective social facts”, but also social artifacts, products of cultural, value and historical exchanges among people. By rejecting a linear approach in interpreting unsatisfied social needs and introducing the approach of “ignorance” of social workers, i.e. “subjectivity” expressed in the user’s perception of the problem, social constructivism em phasizes the approaches to empowerment, participation and involvement. Language as a social construction in the understanding and explanation of reality and processes in social work introduces terms of strength, resources, assessment and reflection
Zdravstveni rizici od nedavnih migracija ka Evropi
Get PDFHealth risk from migration in Europe was not excessive in any period. Nevertheless, certain health risk still exist for domestic population as well as for the migrants themselves. That is primarily due to the fact that migrants legally residing in a country routinely avoid medical examinations and poor personal hygiene among some migrant, even when they are provided with accommodations that meet the necessary sanitary requirements. Therefore, today, health risks related to the migrants in Europe are higher for the migrants themselves than for the domestic populations. Although health risk related to migrants as a threat to public health, it is not high in Europe, it is still listed in official European documents as an important security challenge due to constant illegal influx of new migrants. There is also an ever present chance of revived and increased migrant flow caused by the real possibility of revival of old war conflicts as well as the eruption of the new ones in the Middle East and in Africa. Thus, preventing measures remain mandatory in all EU countries, as well as in other countries along the migrations' route including Serbia.
O starenju u delu Simone de Bovoar
Get PDFConsiderations of old age and ageing are not the central part of the work of Simone de Beauvoir. However, fragmentary mentions of these topics in her memoirs, and especially her two-volume book The Coming of Age, make Simone de Beauvoir an author whose approach to the topics makes an important contribution to multidisciplinary research and understanding of old age and ageing. A strong voice of protest she raised back in 1970 against mal-treatment of elderly by the society, can be an impetus for activism in the area of the protection of human rights even today. Namely, her work on ageing is a kind of a manifesto and a call for total participation of elderly in the society. Primary intention of this paper is to point out to those Simone de Beauvoir's considerations on the topics that could be relevant for the social policy field, as well as to her arguments underlying the considerations. Having in mind her explanations of the vulnerable position of elderly in general, the paper has two-fold focus. On the one hand, basic assumptions of her approach to ageing in general are taken into account, along with the meanings the society attributes to ageing. On the other hand, certain challenges are taken into account, such as transition from childhood into adulthood and old age, revelation of one's own old age, sex as an old age determinant and changes in the world of work of importance for the changed position of elderly.U razmatranjima Simone de Bovoar, starost i starenje nemaju centralno mesto. Međutim, fragmentarni stavovi o ovim temama u njenim memoarskim knjigama, a neuporedivo više dvotomno delo Starost, svrstavaju je u autore čiji pristupi predstavljaju važan doprinos multidisciplinarnom proučavanju i promišljanju u ovoj oblasti. Snažan glas negodovanja koji je ona još 1970. godine podigla protiv lošeg tretmana starijih od strane društava, mogao bi imati potencijal za aktivizam u sferi zaštite ljudskih prava starijih i danas. Na taj način, njeni napisi o starosti predstavljaju svojevrstan pamflet i poziv za punu participaciju starijih u društvu. Osnovna namera u ovom radu je da se ukaže na razmatranja Simone de Bovoar koja se nalaze u sferi interesovanja socijalne politike i na argumentaciju koja se nalazi u osnovi tih razmatranja. S obzirom na važnost njenih objašnjenja vulnerabilnog položaja starijih uopšteno, rad ima dvostruki fokus. S jedne strane, razmatraju se najvažniji fragmenti pristupa starosti de Bovoar uopšteno, odnosno značenja koja se pridaju starenju u društvu. S druge strane, razmatraju se teme tranzicije iz detinjstva u zrelost i starost, otkrivanja sopstvene starosti, pola kao determinante starenja, te promena u sferi rada koje su uticale na promenu položaja starijih
Local Government Capacities for the Integration of Migrants: Good European Experiences and Practices
Get PDFThis paper attempts to explain the role of local governments (cities, regions) in the implementation of immigration policy in Europe, focusing on various waves and types of immigration, state policies, and the capacities of local government to help with immigrant integration since the 1960s. Several case studies of cities with good integration practices will be presented, with particular emphasis on four main aspects: national regulation, policy regimes, role of local institutions, and results achieved. The paper focuses on experiences and good practices which could inspire other societies to develop successful policies and facilitate better use of diverse policy instruments in procuring various services for migrants, including shelters, language learning, job training, education for children, employment, inclusion in decision-making processes, and the like. The main research methods that have been used are description and analysis of national conditions, problems, challenges, various integration experiences, good practices, and results, as well as comparison and case studies for in-depth analysis
Institutional Conditions for Competition of Political Ideas in Serbia: The Case of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media
Get PDFОсновно истраживачко питање на које аутори у раду настоје
да одговоре је јесу ли институционални услови у српском друштву
такви да омогућавају конкуренцију политичких идеја и видљивост различитих политичких опција у јавној сфери. Разматрањем
правне утемељености контроверзног (не)чињења Регулаторног
тела за електронске медије (РЕМ) поводом кампање за председничке изборе у Србији 2017. године и његове интерпретације
сопствене улоге аутори указују на постојање услова производње
ексклузивне слике света што су били налази и истраживача политичке и изборне комуникације још после одржаних првих парламентарних избора након обнове вишестраначја у Србији почетком
последње деценије прошлога века. Аутори указују на конкретне
мере у деловању РЕМ-а којима би се допринело квалитету изборне
и политичке комуникације.This paper examines the institutional conditions of the Serbian
society for existing of the competition of political ideas and visibility of
different political options in the public sphere.
In the first part, two phases of the Regulatory Agency for Electronic Media (REM) in Serbia are identified. First, period from its establishment in 2003 until the adoption of media laws in 2014, and second, from 2014 onward. In the first phase, REM almost exclusively dealt with election campaigns, despite having many other topics to regulate by adoption of bylaws (such as protection of minors, copyright and other). In its second phase, especially during the Presidential election campaign in 2017, REM suddenly decided not to monitor the work of providers of audiovisual media services, but to react to complaints
instead. The official ratio behind it was that there were no sanctions
prescribed under the Law on Electronic Media, but also that the Law on
Elections of Members of Parliament should deal with the media during
electoral campaign.
In the second part, the opposite interpretation of the Law on
Electronic Media (LEM) is offered. Article 47, Para 1, Point 5. prescribes that there should be “equal representation without discrimination to registered political parties, coalitions and individual candidates during the election campaign”. Further on, Article 28 of LEM introduces measures for REM to enforce when providers of audiovisual services breach the rule of equal representation without discrimination. Those are rejection of the application for extension of the licence for offering of audiovisual services and not-issuing of the licence when in doubt that the provider of audiovisual services would not fulfil obligations related, among others, to equal presentation without discrimination of political actors during the election campaign.
The final part of the research concludes that institutionalized conditions in Serbia do not allow competition of political ideas. It also determines that the role of the entire society, together with political elites, should be to strengthen independent institutions that monitor the work of the media, especially during election campaigns.
To conclude, the proper regulation of media scene and implementation of such a regulatory framework has traditionally been completed when under pressure from abroad, only. The first drive was given by Council of Europe (CoE), for media laws passed in 2002 and 2003, as their adoption was one of the requirements for Serbia to become the CoE Member State. After Serbia has become the one, European Union has taken over the carrot and stick, so that major media documents,such as Media Strategy in 2011 or new package of media laws in 2014, were adopted as preconditions for Serbia to make a step forward on its European path. Therefore, shall we expect that the regulatory authority becomes a strong and independent Regulator, only when Serbia becomes close enough to its EU membership, so that such a body remains
one of the prerequisites for Serbia to become the full member of the
European Union