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Spoils System Is Not Dead: The Development and Effectiveness of the Merit System in Western Balkans
Get PDFThe paper analyses the development of the merit system and its effectiveness in the administrations of the Western Balkan countries. The origins and benefit of the merit system are described in the article. The basic hypothesis is that in most Western Balkan countries the spoils system remains a reality, despite the fact that the law stipulates the merit system. The main argument for this hypothesis is based on one element of the merit system, and that is recruitment and employment in the public services sector. This segment of the merit system is most often violated because public service employment in the Western Balkans is not obtained objectively, i.e., from a pool of best candidates, but given to those who support the ruling party, which is particularly evident during election campaigns. The paper analyses this phenomenon and points out that the so-called reliable votes are the core of the problem. The article explains this phenomenon and provides guidance on possible solutions to the identified problems
The concept of engagement
Get PDFIn this paper, we illuminate the basic features of the concept of engagement, which has only become possible in the secular world, with the emergence of the modem individual deprived of any stable, eternal order or hierarchy of values. Still, engagement is not only individual but also collective, as the lack of certainty about the truth affects not only the community and society but also motivates them to follow the same paradigm as the individual - themselves at stake, without knowing where it could possibly lead, but with the intention to produce some tangible and stable sociocosmic structures that could alleviate man's uncertainty and thus insecurity. The necessity of engagement stems from the circumstance that man lives in a context saturated with meanings that call him out in advance and influence him. Therefore, engagement means actually acting back to the being-exposed to meanings and structures that have already affected man and his situation. One section of the text deals with an understanding of engagement in the contemporary, "postmodern" era
Natural gas as a "political weapon": discourse understanding
Get PDFdiskurs o prirodnom gasu kao političkom oružju prisutan je već nekoliko decenija u javnoj sferi. U radu ćemo najpre analizirati suprotstavljena mišljenja
autora kada je reč o mogućnosti da se prirodni gas, kao energent, koristi kao
političko oružje. Metoda istraživanja se pre svega zasniva na analizi sadržaja i komparaciji diskursa, prvenstveno u akademskoj oblasti, delimično i u
medijskoj i političkoj sferi. Pored analiziranja diskursa o političkom oružju,
razmatramo i diskurs o prirodnom gasu kao energetskom oružju, iako ne postoji jasna granica među njima. nakon komparacije različitih stavova u akademskom polju, ukazaćemo na dva moguća razloga zbog kojih je nastao ili
se oblikovao diskurs o prirodnom gasu kao političkom oružju. jedan razlog
militarizacije diskursa može se posmatrati u okviru širih političkih odnosa,
dok se drugi razlog može tražiti u suprotstavljenim komercijalnim interesima i nadmetanjem za poziciju na tržištu.Natural gas as a ”political weapon” discourse has been present in the public sphere for several decades. In this paper, we will first compare the different
perspectives of the authors when it comes to the possibility of using natural
gas as a political weapon. The research method is primarily based on content
analysis and discourse comparison, primarily in the academic field, and partly
in the media and political spheres. In addition to analyzing the discourse on
political weapon, we also consider the discourse on natural gas as an energy
weapon, although there is no clear boundary between them. After comparing different perspectives in the academic field, we will point out two possible
reasons why the discourse on natural gas as a political weapon was created or
shaped. One reason for the militarization of discourse can be sought in the
context of broader political relations, while another reason can be sought in
conflicting commercial interests and increased competition for markets
How Political Parties in Hybrid Regimes Help the Incumbent Maintain a Democratic Facade
No full textWhy would a large incumbent party, that can by itself muster more than 45 per cent of electoral support, add seven insignificant political parties to its electoral list, thus providing them with a free ticket into the Assembly, state-sponsored financing for the next four years, and an independent deputy club in the Assembly? More importantly, why would the incumbent party, as a consequence of this deliberate decision, end up without parliamentary majority? In this article, I discuss less frequently mentioned aspects of institutional design that can help us understand why the incumbent party makes such decisions and why a party system in a hybrid regime has a large number of parties. I offer qualitative evidence from the postcommunist Serbia (1990-2018). The first two aspects refer to electoral design (but not the electoral formula or district magnitude): a larger number of parties under the incumbent party's control provides stronger political influence in the Republican Electoral Commission and at polling stations on election day. In hybrid regimes, the incumbent party is interested in this influence because it can use it to arrange electoral fraud. The third aspect relates to parliamentary design: more parties in the Serbian Assembly under the incumbent party's control secure more minutes on the floor for the incumbent party during parliamentary debate
Verita effettuale della cosa politica in Machiavelli's mandrake
Get PDFIn The Mandrake, Machiavelli uses the form of a comedic play to point at a way of establishing a constitution suitable for people who put their personal interest before the common good. In this paper we first present the play's characters as champions of an age that is radically deprived of sense and purpose. In Ligurio's plan to win over the beautiful but married Lucretia, we recover the guidelines for the peaceful creation of a new constitution within the shadows of the old political system which, debilitated and weak, offers no resistance. Finally, in this seemingly frivolous play, we uncover a pathway to a hidden revolution, accomplished by the statesman's bravado and his advisor's cunning. We conclude that in The Mandrake Machiavelli sketches up the scenario which never got sufficient attention in his other works: how to establish a good constitution within a corrupt republic
Citizenship, nationalism and the constitutional Democratic state
Get PDFЈош од Француске револуције сукобљавају се принципи просвети-тељства који у својој основи имају једнако морално вредновање свих људских бића и универзално гарантована права и патриотско вредновање посебног начина живота једне заједнице. У крилу апсолутистичке монархије настали су предуслови за развој индивидуалистичког грађанског друштва, а модерна држава је раскинувши са феудалним поретком легитимисала себе као просветитељски пројекат заснован на универзалним људским правима. Истовремено су већина модерних држава националне државе које су спроводиле политике које су асимиловале мањинске заједнице. Национализам је од настанка модерне државе служио као везивно ткиво индивидуалистичког грађанског друштва. У овом тексту одговарам на питање да ли је могуће наконцептуалном нивоу одвојити државу, грађанство и национализам и конципирати лојалност према држави на рационалним основама. Следећи тезу да је веза модерне државе и национализма историјски контингентна анализирам могућност лојалности засноване на рационалном и активном грађанству и комуникацији грађана у јавној сфери. Један такав одговор био би заснован наконцепт у уставног патриотизма који прави отклон од националистичке концепције грађанства истовремено стварајући јединствену лојалност грађана према поретку.Since the French Revolution, the principles of the Enlightenment which
were based on the equal moral evaluation of all human beings and universally guaranteed
rights clashed with the patriotic value of the special way of life of a community. Under the
absolutist monarchy, the preconditions for the development of an individualistic civil society
were created, and the modern state, breaking with the feudal order, legitimized itself as an
enlightenment project based on universal human rights. At the same time, most modern
states are nation-states which were pursuing policies that assimilated minority communities.
Since the emergence of the modern state, nationalism has served as the connective tissue of
individualistic civil society. In this paper, I answer the question of whether it is possible on a
conceptual level to separate the state, citizenship and nationalism and to conceptualize loyalty to the state on rational grounds. Following the thesis that the connection between the
modern state and nationalism is historically contingent, I analyze the possibility of loyalty
based on rational and active citizenship and communication of citizens in the public sphere.
One such answer would be based on the concept of constitutional patriotism, which deviates
from the nationalist conception of citizenship while creating a unique loyalty of citizens to
the polit
Izbori i predstavljanje žena u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020
No full textOvo poglavlje istražuje kako su različite promene izbornog sistema
uticale na prisustvo žena u nacionalnoj, pokrajinskoj i lokalnim skupštinama
od uvođenja višepartizma 1990. do 2020. godine, kao i na njihovo pozicioniranje u
izvršnoj vlasti. Analiza pokazuje da se u pogledu učešća žena u političkom životu
vide jasne razlike između tri perioda koji slede bitne izmene izbornih pravila:
1) period do 2004. odnosno do uvođenja prvih rodnih kvota, 2) postepeno povećanje
broja žena od 2004–2011. i 3) period od 2011, kada se uz rodnu kvotu na izbornim
listama dodaje i uslov raspodele mandata prema redosledu na izbornoj listi. Iako
je poslednjih godina došlo do značajnog povećanja učešća žena u predstavničkim
institucijama, ovi brojevi nisu nužno i pokazatelj ravnopravnosti polova u političkom životu, niti značajnijeg uticaja žena na donošenje odluka
The role of administrative disputes in protecting electoral rights
No full textУ раду се даје приказ једног од облика судске заштите изборног права – у управном спору, током развоја модерног вишестраначја у Србији. Рад има две целине. Прву, у којој се даје анализа судске заштите кроз управни спор коју сутоком 90-тих година XX века и у првој деценији XXI века пружали Врховни суд Србије и општински судови. И другу, која прати нормативну подлогу ове врсте судских спорова од 2010. године до данас, када је, након реогранизације правосуђа у Републици Србији, судска заштита изборног права прешла у надлежност новоформираног Управног суда. Аутори приказују еволуцију норми којима је, током протекле три деценије, била регулисана заштита изборног права путем упрравног спора приликом избора за најзначајније нивое власти, као и доминантне теоријске и практичне дилеме које су те норме производиле, али које су њима и решаване
Mentors’ perspective of the field education of social policy and social work students
Get PDFMentori su ključni prenosioci praktičnog znanja i veština tokom terenske prakse studenata pomažućih profesija. Kod nas nema dovoljno istraživanja njihove perspektive i potreba. U svrhu daljeg unapređenja terenske prakse budućih socijalnih radnika, sprovedeno je istraživanje sa ciljem povećanja razumevanja perspektive i potreba mentora terenske prakse, procesa procene studenata na terenskoj praksi od strane mentora i povezanosti perspektive mentora sa edukacijom za mentorski rad. Istraživanje je sprovedeno upitnikom SPM1 među 50 mentora terenske prakse studenata socijalne politike i socijalnog rada Fakulteta političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu. Pokazalo se zadovoljstvo mentora većinom aspekata terenske prakse studija socijalne politike i socijalnog rada. Najizrazitiji nedostaci su vezani sa podršku mentora od strane visokoškolske ustanove i nastavne baze. Analizirana je povezanost između različitih aspekata procene mentora koji se odnose na studente. Procene mentora koji imaju formalnu obuku za mentorstvo su bile pozitivnije u brojnim aspektima terenske prakse. Nalazi su diskutovani u svetlu nalaza savremenih istraživanja.Mentors are the key carriers of practical knowledge and skills during helping
professions students’ field education. in Republic of Serbia there are insuffi-
cient research of its perspective and needs. in purpose to further advance the
field education of future social workers, research has been conducted with
the aim to improve understanding of the perspective and the needs of men-
tors regarding different field education aspects, student assessment process
and association between of mentors’ perspective with the mentors educa-
tion. Research has been conducted by SPM1 questionnaire among 50 field
education mentors of social policy and social work students of the Faculty of
Political science of the University of Belgrade. given results has shown that
mentors are satisfied with the majority of field education aspects at social
policy and social work studies. The most noticeable deficiencies are related
to support of mentors by higher education institution where the field edu-
cation takes place. The associations between different aspects of mentors’
assessment related to students has been analyzed. Formally educated mentor were more positive in numerous field education aspects. Findings are discu-
ssed in the light of up to date research finding