1581 research outputs found
Sort by
Sasse, Gwendolyn. 2023. Russia’s War Against Ukraine. Cambridge: Polity Press, 156 pp. $14.95 (Paperback)
No full textUnderstanding Mechanism Underlying Resistance Against Gender Fair Language
No full textRecent legislative efforts to introduce obligatory use of gender fair language (GFL) in research, education and media in Serbia received considerable resistance from the public. In line with the Social identity theory, we hypothesize that resistances to this gender equality measure arise because GFL is perceived as a threat to gender relations status quo within the society. Therefore, it can be mapped onto the gender system-justifying attitudes. We tested this hypothesis using an online survey in Serbia (N=449), within which we applied a novel measure of attitudes towards GFL and a comprehensive set of socio-psychological predictors. EFA revealed three factors of resistance against GFL: 1) perceiving GFL as a threat to identity and status quo, 2) doubts about the effectiveness of GFL, 3) rejection of the GFL due to linguistic habits. Moderated serial mediation analyses revealed that perceiving GFL as a threat can be predicted by higher levels of social dominance orientation, through accepting gender ideology conspiracy beliefs and modern sexism. While men hold more negative beliefs regarding all measured constructs, the described mechanism itself isn’t moderated by gender. Other two forms of resistance can be mapped onto similar mechanisms, with perceiving GFL as a threat as the strongest predictor. The findings show that the various forms of resistance to GFL can be traced to perceiving this gender equality measure as a threat to the gender status quo within the society.uri:https://easp2023krakow.com/program
Energy-sector investments and legal (un)certainty
Get PDFИнвестиције у сектору енергетике су од кључног значаја за функционисање
савремених држава и друштава. Период након окончања Другог светског рата је
обележио нову етапу у односима међу државама, што се рефлектовало и кроз
интензивиране енергетске односе и сарадњу. Незаобилазан сегмент такве сарадње
чиниле су и инвестиције на енергетском тржишту. Упоредо са тим, долази и до
развоја скупа правила којим се регулишу односи између страних инвеститора и
држава домаћина у којима се реализују инвестиције, односно међународног
инвестиционог права (international investment law). Од почетних ризика везаних за
директну експропријацију имовине страних улагача, све више пажње се посвећивало
тзв. „пузајућој експропријацији“ (creeping expropriation) и другим повредама права
инвеститора. Основ заштите права страних улагача се пре свега налази у бројним
билатералним и регионалним споразумима о заштити страних инвестиција, али и
другим изворима права. Циљ рада је да укаже на неке савремене изазове у погледу
заштите инвестиција и положаја инвеститора на енергетском тржишту, нарочито у
контексту радикалних промена које се дешавају у сектору енергетике, као део процеса
енергетске транзиције, али и савремених политичких односа међу државама.Investments in the energy sector are of crucial importance for the functioning of
modern states and societies. The aftermath of World War II was marked by a new phase in
relations between states, which was also reflected in intensified energy relations and
cooperation. Investments in the energy market were an inevitable segment of such
cooperation. Along with that, there is also the development of a set of rules that regulate
relations between foreign investors and host countries in which investments are made, i.e.,
international investment law. From the initial risks related to the direct expropriation of the
property of foreign investors, more and more attention was paid to the so-called "creeping"
expropriation and other violations of investors' rights. The basis for the protection of the
rights of foreign investors is primarily found in numerous bilateral and regional agreements
on the protection of foreign investments, but also in other sources of law. The aim of the
paper is to point out some contemporary challenges regarding the protection of investments
and the position of investors in the energy market, especially in the context of radical
changes taking place in the energy sector, as part of the energy transition process but also аs
a result of contemporary political relations between states
Imigranti i izbeglice: uticaj traumatskih iskustava i pitanja grupnog identiteta Vamik Volkan, Imigranti i izbeglice: traume, dugotrajno žalovanje, predrasude i psihologija granice, Beograd, Clio, 2018
Get PDF
The personalization of politics in the Russo-Ukrainian war: polarized narratives in the media
Get PDFU radu se analizira fenomen personalizacija politike u kontekstu rusko-ukrajinskog rata. Autori opisuju na koji način selebritizacija političkih lidera u
ratnim okolnostima ima za cilj društvenu mobilizaciju, a potom i polarizaciju. Personalizovani pristup u prikazu rata oslonio se na već ranije ustanovljene forme selebritizacije političkih lidera, a kroz uporedan pregled predstavljanja Putina i Zelenskog analiziran je instrumentalizovani medijski prostor
na globalnom, ali i nacionalnom nivou. Idealizovani ili demonizovani pri-
kazi dva lidera svedoče medijsku instrumentalizaciju koja napušta okvire
objektivnog izveštavanja i ovaploćuje se u neprekidnoj konzumeraciji infor-
macija i dezinformacija u vezi sa ratnim dešavanjima.This paper offers an analysis of the phenomenon of political personalization
in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The authors contend that
the celebrity status of political leaders during times of war is aimed at
mobilizing society, rather than providing objective reporting. By drawing
upon established forms of ‘celebrity’, the study examines the personalized
approach to the war through a comparative analysis of the presentations
of Putin and Zelenski. The instrumentation of the media space at both
the global and national levels is explored, whereby idealized or demonized
representations of the two leaders reflect a departure from objective
reporting. The consumption of information and misinformation pertaining
to the war events perpetuates media instrumentation, contributing to a
continuous cycle of consumption. This paper provides valuable insights into
the complexities of media manipulation in the context of political conflict
and its ramifications for public opinion and policy-making
Teaching staff self-assessment on the media and information literacy during covid-19
No full textThe main goal of this paper is to provide recommendations for improving the media and information literacy of the teachers in Serbia. The research is based on teachers' digital competency self-assessment during the Covid-19 pandemic when the online classroom was introduced nationwide. Starting with the media and information literacy (MIL) concept, the paper provides an overview of international initiatives that foster MIL among the teachers and existing evaluation of the national strategies and professional trainings within the Serbian education system. To understand the gap in the teaching staff' knowledge and skills required for more competent online teaching, we have conducted an online survey with open-ended exploratory questions with primary and secondary school teachers from 26 cities in Serbia. Qualitative thematic analysis of received responses shows that teachers consider knowledge and skills for digital content creation as critical for successful online teaching. The findings highlight the importance of improving media production competencies as one of the MIL pillars for raising online teaching competences. Finally, the research provides training recommendations aiming to strengthen teachers' competencies
Does ethnocultural justice require a liberal state? : Reflections on the (post) Yugoslav experience
Get PDFIn this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice,
based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced,
integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of
domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the
usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition
of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question
the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition
for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially
positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in
actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „righmeasure” of juridification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities,
and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.Polazimo od konstatacije da liberalni model etnokulturne pravde zasnovan na ideji multi- kulturnog građanstva, čija je institucionalizacija u državama bivše Jugoslavije započela pre dvadeset godina, nije ispunio velika očekivanja koja su ga pratila: etnička distanca među građanima iz različitih etnokulturnih grupa nije smanjena, problem integracije je i dalje aku- tan, a grupno-diferencirana prava neretko postaju instrument dominacije unutar i između manjinskih zajednica. U ovom radu želimo da iskoračimo iz okvira uobičajene imanentne kritike istog obrasca i ukažemo na vredna iskustva javnog uvažavanja etnokulturne različi- tosti u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji. Osim preispitivanja teze da je za etnokulturnu pravdu nužan liberalno-demokratski politički okvir, cilj je i otvoriti prostor za ponovno ocenjivanje nekih potencijalno pozitivnih aspekata nejuridičkog pristupa multikulturalnosti primenjivanog u socijalizmu. Tri takva momenta izdvajamo kao posebno relevantna: a) „dobru meru” normira- nosti pozitivnim zakonodavstvom, b) lokalizaciju umesto centralizacije manjinskih zajednica i c) prisustvo obuhvatnog nad-identiteta u kojem se svi građani mogu prepoznat
Oграђена насеља као симбол неједнакости
Get PDFThis article takes the concept of gated communities to represent a special form of securitised housing, developed in the United States in the 20th century and popularised around the world in later years, and examines it as such. The neo-liberal society is an especially fertile ground for the development of this concept due to the unequal distribution of wealth, growing social stratification, poverty and segregation. Often, the surrounding roads are privatised and access to public areas is restricted for the purposes of these settlements, which leaves entire complexes within cities inaccessible to the majority of citizens. All these processes are in conflict with the democratic concept of the open city and the model of mixed housing, nurtured in the welfare state. The segregation of citizens, and their marginalisation and displacement (gentrification), along with the endangerment and privatisation of public spaces significantly reduce the democratic capacity of urban communities. The main concern of this research is the examination of the reasons which contribute to the expansion of gated communities, and the effects they have on the spirit of the urban community (alienation) and the democratic capacities of cities. The aim of the paper is to examine the notion of gated communities on a sample of cities in the Anglosphere (USA, Canada, New Zealand), and to analyse their specific effects. The analysis of the existing research and case studies concerning gated communities in the world often consists of the use of statistical methods, regulatory change analyses, and the interviews and surveys of tenants, managers, politicians and officials. The comparative method, used in this paper, focuses on the similarities and differences of gated communities in different countries, which enabled us to draw conclusions on better housing and urban development policies (synthesis)
Global Britain in International Politics and Strategic Options of Serbia in Relations with the United Kingdom
No full textУједињено Краљевство Велике Британије и Северне Ирске званично је напустило Европску унију 2020. године. У складу са овом великом променом, званични Лондон је изградио нову интегрисану стратегију деловања тзв. „Глобалне Британије” у међународним односима. Овај рад настоји да пружи одговор на питање шта се може очекивати од политике Уједињеног Краљевства према Србији и региону, те на који ће начин стратешки избори Србије утицати на билатералне односе две државе. Како би се то утврдило, полази се од анализе стратешких докумената у области одбране и спољних послова, које је Влада Њеног Величанства објавила марта 2021. године, као и од праксе деловања Уједињеног Краљевства према Србији од 2016. године до данас. У раду се тврди да ће деловање Уједињеног Краљевства у региону бити у великој мери одређено глобалном британском стратегијом запречавања ширења руског и кинеског утицаја. Такође, тврди се и да ће, услед рата у Украјини, однос Србије према Русији и у мањој мери према Кини, примарно утицати и на будућност односа Београда и Лондона. Остале теме које ће имати утицај биће став Београда према Косову и Метохији, Босни и Херцеговини, безбедносној сарадњи са НАТО, те друга регионална питања.The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland officially left the European Union in 2020. In line with this great geopolitical change, official London has produced a new integrated strategy for the so-called "Global Britain" in international relations. Considering that British influence on the Balkans has been present since early 19th century, this geopolitical change got the attention of the Western Balkan relations analysts as well. This text aims to provide an answer to the question of what kind of United Kingdom’s policy can be expected towards the Western Balkans region, and towards the Republic of Serbia in particular, as well as what strategic options Serbia has at its disposal in its relationship with official London. The paper claims that the United Kingdom's actions in the region will be largely determined by the global British strategy, aimed primarily at preventing the spread of Russian and, to a lesser extent, Chinese global influence. It is also claimed that Serbia's attitude towards Russia and, to a lesser extent, China will primarily affect the future of Belgrade-London relations, although other issues will certainly have an impact (Kosovo and Metohija, Bosnia and Herzegovina, security cooperation with NATO, etc.). Through analysis of main strategic documents in the field of foreign and defence policy, as well as through the analysis of the recent UK behavior in international relations, the first part of the paper presents the international strategy of "Global Britain" after Brexit and outlines the general international goals of the UK. The second part of the paper presents British in the Western Balkans region. The third part of the paper presents a brief overview of Serbian-British relations in the last five years and points to key trends, benefits and obstacles in mutual relations. The fourth and last part of the paper summarizes what the goals of Serbian action towards the United Kingdom should be, and in what way certain strategic, but also more concrete political decisions of Serbia can affect bilateral relations between the two countries