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AHC Interview with Berta Gutmann.
No full textBerta Gutmann (née Rothberger) was born in Vienna in 1928. She went to elementary school "Heglgasse", and lived in the first Viennese district, in "Philippshof". She immigrated to the USA directly from Vienna.Austrian Heritage Collectio
Donor interview with Wolf A. Popper by Morton Asch 1930-2003
No full textThis transcript was taken from an interview with Wolf A. Popper conducted by Morton Asch from the UJA (United Jewish Appeal). Wolf A. Alexander talks about the events after the Anschluss of Austria to Nazi-Germany in 1938, his family's religious affiliations, the emigration from Austria.Wolf A. Popper, 2006Wolf A. Popper was born as Wolfgang Alexander Leopold Albert Popper von Podhragy on 6/13/1928 in Vienna. He lived with his parents, Ernest and Ilse Popper von Podhragy, and his sister Evelyn in Hietzing, Vienna. His father was a baron, and the family was very wealthy--they lived in a house with 13 rooms, and had a cook, a chambermaid, a chauffeur, and a gardener. In December of 1938, Wolf Popper and his sister emigrated without their parents, but with the help of their former governess, to Czechoslovakia. When their parents arrived as well--the father had been interned at Dachau and Buchenwald concentration camps--they fled to Holland, then to England where he attended high school. He came to the US in 1941 via Brazil where they stayed only for three months. In the USA, his father started as a helper in a lumber yard. He served in the Korean War from 1950 – 1952. He studied at NYU in 1954. Wolf Popper is president of a company that provides financial services. In the past, he has held various non-profit posts for organizations like the Jewish War Veterans or B’nai Brith.Emigration and immigration; 1933-1945; Englan
Hallowing days: The secular and the sacred for Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig.
No full textThe contested trope of "hallowing daily life" sparks fresh readings of Martin Buber (1878--1965) and Franz Rosenzweig (1886--1929). This dissertation maintains that these preeminent thinkers sought, though failed, to prove that modern Jewish culture renders the 'wholly other' God as holiness within daily life here and now. Notably, the trope organizes and complicates these thinkers' writings and debates on individuality and community, ritual and language, metaphysics and ethics, epistemology and ontology, politics and theology. For both thinkers, modernization and secularization exacerbate a problem in Jewish thought: how to separate and relate God and the world. While God seems removed from ordinary affairs even for observant sectors of modern Jewry, still other, often more 'profane' thinkers allegedly find God in proximity, amidst the sensuous and the corporeal. Indeed the focus on "daily life," so vital to Weimar German thought as (modest) consolation for intellectual crises and social dislocations, implies that conditional, limited realities affect, shape, realize or exhibit otherwise supreme ideals. Hence the "hallowing of daily life" suggests that the banal (trivial, taken-for-granted) is sublime (refined, exalted). But can and should reality properly guide or follow the ideal? Buber and Rosenzweig answer divergently, and tendentiously, that (a given, mutable) culture is either the fulcrum binding or the wedge dividing materiality and spirituality, finitude and infinity, temporality and eternity. I argue that the ambiguities of Jewry's involvement modernity, and of the self's engagement with others, enmesh these thinkers' positions in a tension. Cultural artifacts (history, performance, and text) equally align and fracture life's contents, erect and demolish life's boundaries. This evidences a double paradox: holiness is separate from and whole for, whereas everydayness is integral with and partial to life. I conclude that any attempt to portray concrete, mundane life as if it entails ultimate meaning and absolute value founders theologically even as it serves agendas politically.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2003.School code: 0212
Invasiones musulmanas en la historiografia Hispano-Latina: Siglos VIII a XIII.
No full textBetween the 8th and the 13th centuries, Spain's Christian society developed from a partly subjugated and partly exiled ethnic, religious, and political minority into an ever more powerful majority. By exploring rhetorical and conceptual models of history from the origins of peninsular historiography to Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada's De rebus Hispanie, I investigate the evolving narrative of identity and nation building. The methodology I employ emphasizes literary discourse analysis, but it is also interdisciplinary, drawing upon ethnography, religion, philosophy, and law, in accordance with the hybrid nature of Medieval historiography. Following the first Muslim invasion in 711, which brought ethnic, political, and religious heterogeneity to the Iberian space acclaimed as homogenous by Isidore of Seville and Julian of Toledo in the 7th century, historians recreate this Visigothic ideal by establishing rhetorical frontiers between Christians and Muslims. In so doing, these authors draw on four principal discourse modalities: Greek ethnography, Romano-Gothic political rhetoric, hagiographic rhetoric of virtue and vice, and the Biblical allegory of fall and redemption.Interpretations and representations of Islam's role in Iberian history develop alongside the concept of history itself. Mozarabic chroniclers, who adopt an Eastern apocalyptic view of history under Byzantine cultural influence in the 8th century, describe Muslims in hyperbolic terms drawn from Old Testament prophets. Asturian writers, who legitimize the rebirth of Christian monarchy at the end of the 9th century, draw on the original Visigothic legal code in presenting Muslims as illegal settlers who imperil legitimate royal power. In response to the growing instability of the throne and internal strife between Christian factions, Leonese authors (10th--12th cc.) further blur the distinction between external (Muslim) and internal (Christian) enemies of the crown. Drawing on Neoplatonic philosophical thought, developed by Hispanic Arabs and Jews in the 11th and 12th centuries and diffused through the Toledo school of translators, Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada culminates this conceptual evolution of Latin historiography by presenting Spain as returning to its origins. Thus although historians systematically perpetuate an image of Arabs and Muslims as extraneous to Spain, Muslim philosophical thought shapes the concept of Spanish history in the Castilian Latin tradition.Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2003.School code: 0262
Case closed: Holocaust survivors in America, 1946--1954.
No full textThe canon of scholarly works on the Holocaust is vast. Little attention, however, has been paid to the postwar period when the Jewish Displaced Persons left Europe. This dissertation explores the experience of those 140,000 survivors who settled in the US from 1946 to 1954. I study the reception of Holocaust survivors by the American Jewish community and the immigrants' reaction to this reception which challenge the myths of silence and success that have characterized the conventional narrative of survivors' postwar experience.Of the 140,000 survivors, at least 55 percent settled in New York City, but 45 percent of the immigrants went elsewhere. My study examines both groups through the national and New York refugee organizations that resettled Holocaust survivors; the United Service for New Americans (USNA) and the New York Association for New Americans (NYANA), respectively. By studying NYANA documents, this work brings to light the experience of the majority who stayed in New York City. Through USNA and local cooperating agencies' records, I also explore the experience in two other communities; Denver, Colorado and Columbia, South Carolina. Archival material such as agency case documents, contemporary journal articles by social workers, and oral testimonies are used. Particularly important are 350 survivor case files from this period which show how agency policy translated into treatment of the refugee clientele.How effective were the Jewish agencies in helping the DPs? What was the help offered and how do we define success? That the Jewish Community organized to help the refugees cannot be disputed. The kind of assistance they gave, however, was limited to short term material aid even though the survivors needed and wanted more. While the agencies argued that limited care and immediate employment encouraged the refugees' speedy acculturation, their policies were driven by economic considerations first and humanitarian considerations second. What the agencies had not bargained on was that these were refugees for whom the Holocaust was still present in their lives. Rather than a narrative of success, the survivors' postwar experience was fraught with difficulties to which their hosts were often blind.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Clark University, 2003.School code: 0048
HIAS Refugee Trust of Kenya (Box 120, Folder 6)
No full textThis folder of material was located in Box 120. Folder originally titled: HIAS Reference Trust of Kenya - Davis K. Ellis, Photographer - April 2003.Digital ImageDigital finding aid
Kaumheimer Collection Restitution--Merano Jewish Community (Box 120, Folder 13)
No full textThis folder of material was located in Box 120. Folder originally titled: Kaumheimer - Italy - 2003.Digital ImageDigital finding aid
Jewish hydra, German Heimat, and 'the Jewish question': Judaism and subjectivity in Lazarus Bendavid, Berthold Auerbach and Karl Marx.
No full textThis dissertation examines aspects of the Jewish encounter with modern discourses of subjectivity. The project follows three interventions into discourses of Jewish subjectivity, two by Jewish authors who grapple with the question of how to speak as Jews in the modern German context, the third a discourse of radical social critique that strategically deploys flagrantly anti-Semitic stereotypes. Chapter One examines Lazarus Bendavid's caustic pamphlet On Jewish Characteristics of 1793; Chapter Two explores the early career of Berthold Auerbach from his first literary activity until his breakthrough into literary stardom as a Heimatdichter with his Black Forest Village Stories of 1843; and Chapter Three investigates the function of Jewish figures in Karl Marx's 1843 "On the Jewish Question" and The Holy Family of 1845 and compares Marx's rhetorical construction of "real Jews" to his treatment---in part invention, in part discovery---of the proletariat.Highly politicized discourses on subjectivity proliferated in Germany in the period between the French Revolution of 1789 and the failed revolution of 1848. In this climate, Jews and Judaism became a privileged discursive site for interrogating subjectivity with the political imperatives this interrogation implied. The nexus of discourses on Judaism and subjectivity differed substantially in the two moments examined. Within Bendavid's Kantian paradigm, the universal subject was essentially isomorphic with humanity at large as a moral-political community, and the "Jewish question" (avant la lettre ) was about the deficient yet potentially redeemable subjectivity of the Jew. The Young Hegelian social ontology of the self that was important for both Auerbach and Marx in the 1830's and 40's understood subjectivity as an obstacle to the realization of collective humanity.Each chapter explores the figuration of Jews as discursive objects in the works of the chapter's central author and in key intertexts. I also investigate the three central authors from the standpoint of a problematics of enunciation. That is, I ask not only how each author speaks about Jews, but also how he does so in order to authorize his own speech. Bendavid and Auerbach each speak as a certain kind of Jew in a cultural and discursive field that made Jewish speech a treacherous undertaking. Marx deploys the figure of the obscenely "real Jew" in an effort to construct a viable locus of enunciation for his radical social critique.Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 2003.School code: 0175