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Др Димитрије Радуловић, пионир у области спортске медицине – живот и дело:
Full text linkУ историографији српске медицине малобројни су подаци о животу и раду др Димитрија Радуловића. Др Радуловић припадао је првој генерацији Срба лекара деветнаестог века [1]. Рођен је 1814. године у Белој Цркви, а студије медицине завршио је у Пешти,у којој је стекао звање доктора медицине. После Пеште одлази у Беч, где се специјализује у области породиљства. Међу Србима је био аутор првог рада из области коју данас називамо спортском медицином. Тим радом, као и својим каснијим деловањем, поставио је темеље спортске медицине међу Србима. Први је писао о важности телесног вежбања и утицају различитих спортова на физички развој деце, омладине и одраслих; на тај начин дао је допринос дефинисању оптималних физичких оптерећења и хигијенско-дијететских режима. Циљ му је био да се очува и унапреди здравље, односно да се побољшају превенција и куратива различитих обољења и повредa али и рехабилитација пацијената.In the historiography of Serbian medicine, there are few data on the life and work of Dr. Dimitrije Radulovic. Dr. Radulovic belonged to the first generation of Serbian doctors of the nineteenth century [1]. He was born in 1814, in Bela Crkva, completed his studies of medicine in Pest where he received his title Doctor of Medicine. After Pest, he goes to Vienna, where he specializes in obstetrics. Among the Serbs, he was the author of the first work in the area that we call sports medicine today. With this work, as well as with his later work, he established important foundations of sports medicine among Serbian people. He was the first one to write about the importance of physical exercise and the impact of different sports on the physical development of children, youth and adults; thus contributing to the definition of optimal physical activity and hygienic-dietary regimes. His goal was to preserve and improve health, i.e. to improve the prevention and curative of various diseases and injuries, as well as rehabilitation of patients.PublishedŠifra projekta
Напори југословенских власти на сексуалном просвећивању радница привремено настањених у западној Европи 70-их и почетком 80-их година 20. века:
Full text linkРад разматра половичне напоре власти да путем сексуалног просвећивања Југословенки привремено настањених у земљама западне Европе фаворизују жељено родитељство и смање број нежељених трудноћа и абортуса. Ове недовољно систематичне и координисане активности требало је, пре свега, да олакшају и побољшају положај мигранткиња у туђини, али и да, посредно, покушају да предупреде и утичу на специфичне социјалне проблеме у земљи проузроковане миграцијама. Рад је заснован на изворима из Архива Југославије и релевантној литератури.This paper deals with the partial efforts of the authorities to promote the desired parenting and reduce the number of unwanted pregnancies and abortions through the
sexual education of Yugoslav women temporarily residing in the countries of Western Europe. These insufficiently systematic and coordinated activities were supposed, before all, to facilitate
and improve the situation of migrant women abroad, but also, indirectly, to try to prevent and influence the specific social problems in the country caused by migration. This study
is based on the sources of the Archives of Yugoslavia and relevant literature.PublishedŠifra projekta: 177016Чланак је резултат рада на пројекту Српско друштво у југословенској држави у 20. веку: између демократије и диктатуре (N0 177016) који финансира Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије
Kulturna saradnja – primeri iz prošlosti: Jugoslovenske izložbe 1904-1912
Full text linkThe first Yugoslav exhibition was held in Belgrade, 1904. Until First World War, there had been three more held in Sofia, Zagreb and again Belgrade. These exhibitions played a significant part in bringing the artists and people from different nations together, under the idea of creating a unique cultural space. Over 90 artists participated in the first Yugoslav exhibition, from Serbia, Bulgaria, as well as Croatia and Slovenia which were then a part of the Austo-Hungarian Empire. These exhibitions were accompanied by cultural events such as the Congress of Yugoslav
Youth, meetings of writers and journaists. The main goal of these cultural activities was the attempt to create one unique cultural space, which would exceed the national borders. Even today, these examples from the past are guidance for building better neighbourly relations, learning from mistakes of the past, pointing out misconceptions and using these as good and informative guideposts.PublishedŠifra projekta
Research on Scholarship Holders who Studied Abroad and Returned to Serbia:
Full text linkKnowledge has become the most valuable resource of the new era and the resource of the future. The intention of this study is to improve knowledge about the problem of migration of educated people from Serbia from the perspective of scholarship holders who, after spending some time abroad, returned to their country. The aim of this research is to show the profile of the scholarship holders of post-academic and post-graduate students, who studied abroad and then returned to Serbia. Their motives for departure and return, as well as their perception of integration into the work environment in Serbia and utilization of their knowledge is presented. Methods: For the purpose of this research a questionnaire was constructed which was distributed online. Collected data were analysed using statistical tools. Results: This research has shown that the primary motive for education abroad is the desire for personal development. It has also been shown that an important factor for the return of students from abroad is their expectation of comparative advantage in the labour market and their belief that they will be able to get a desired job. Apart from this, it is shown that the scholarship holders only partially use the acquired knowledge and thus do not have enough influence on the development of their organizations. Conclusion: The main research contribution is reflected in the improvement of the knowledge about the motivation of scholars to return from developed countries and in highlighting the problems scholarship holders have on coming home. Implications and research limitations: The results obtained can be generalised to countries that are undergoing or have recently commenced a transition, and are similar in cultural characteristics. The present contains certain limitations that must be taken into account while interpreting final results. The most significant constraint is the sample size, but the obtained results, especially the motives of the scientific experts for returning to this country, are extremely important and can be considered the starting basis for further research.PublishedŠifra projekta
Raspad SFRJ: paraliza, agonija, rat
No full textČlanak se bavi uticajem raspada saveznog nivoa vlasti u SFRJ na prerastanje jugoslovenske krize u oružani sukob. Izdvajaju se glavni akteri i ključne etape ovog procesa tokom prve polovine 1991, obeležene podelama unutar Predsedništva SFRJ, marginalizacijom Savezne skupštine i njenog Izvršnog veća, kao i rastućom autonomijom republičkih rukovodstava i vojnog vrha. Na osnovu memoara protagonista i dostupnog arhivskog materijala prati se blokada u radu saveznih institucija koja je onemogućavala rešavanje problema političkim putem i prerastala u paralizu tokom koje su se umnožavali oružani incidenti. Uzajamno podeljeni, nosioci savezne vlasti su abdicirali pred republičkim rukovodstvima, ili su suprotstavljenim akcijama otvorili put
poslednjoj etapi jugoslovenske agonije.This article scrutinizes the disintegration of the federal level of government of the SFRY and its role in transforming the Yugoslav crisis into an armed conflict. This was a culmination of a long process in which centrifugal tendencies overcame the integrative capacity of Yugoslavia. A deep economic and social crisis surged dramatically in the wake of the collapse of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia in January 1990. This crisis led to a paralysis of the federal level of government exactly at the time which called for radical transformation and adjustment to the global changes signaled by the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Yugoslav government (Federal Executive Council), led by Ante Marković, was spearheading such a reformist program, but it faced ever stronger opposition from the conservative leadership of the armed forces. The agenda of the military, meanwhile, prioritized the preservation of the system, even at the expense of the country’s modernization. The space for addressing the mounting problems on the federal level was thus narrowing, enabling constitutive republics to act out their conflicting political projects. Empowered additionally by elections, which were never held on the federal level, leaders of the most influential republics fostered irreconcilable visions: Slovenia under Milan Kučan was planning its independence, hence changing Yugoslav external borders. Serbia under Slobodan Milošević was plotting to redraw internal borders between the republics, and Croatia under Franjo Tuđman was aiming to do both. The realization of such disparate plans called for the instrumentalization or marginalization of the federal government. In early 1991, this process was set in motion. The growing autonomy of republican leadership resulted in divisions within the SFRY Presidency and its inability to act decisively during the period in which Serbia undermined the federal monetary system, Croatia imported arms from abroad, and Slovenia held an independence referendum. Unchecked by civilian authorities, armed forces were pushing the Presidency into action through systemic pressures, peaking with an aborted coup in mid-March. The Yugoslav Presidency was hence effectively sidetracked, whereas the political dialogue about the Yugoslav future was relegated to summits of republican leaderships. These summits, held in late March and throughout April, did not produce any tangible results, as their actors
attempted to legitimize their own positions by avoiding responsibility for the impending collapse and angled to maximize their gains in its course. The remaining federal authorities, Yugoslav government, and the military did attempt to stall this process. However, they failed to coordinate, maneuvering instead to oust each other. These attempts were abandoned in early May, amidst a number of armed incidents. With an increasing number of fatalities, the chances for peaceful resolution of the Yugoslav crisis were dwindling. Yugoslav federal authorities were increasingly unable to influence the course of events. Paralysis of the federal institutions blocked any institutional path toward resolving political problems. As the country moved from collapse into war, the divided representatives of the federal government either abdicated in front of their republican leaderships, or acted in cross-purposes, opening the path to the last stage of the
Yugoslav agony.PublishedŠifra projekta: 177016Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku – između demokratije i diktature (177 016), koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije
In memoriam: Андреј Леонидович Шемјакин, научни саветник Института за славистику РАН (Тула, 1. мај 1960 - Тула, 8. март 2018)
No full textPublishedŠifra projekta: 17701
Бројно стање српске војске на Солунском фронту 1916-1918. године и војно-политичка подршка Руске имеприје Краљевини Србији:
No full textЧланак је посвећен питању бројног стања војске Краљевине Србије у Првом светском рату, а посебно на Солунском фронту, као и тумачењу последица до којих су претрпљени губици довели. Недостатак попуне српске војске после 1915. године био је пресудан разлог за формирање Добровољачког корпуса у Русији, али и један од подстицаја за доношење других важних политичких одлука, од којих су неке имале далекосежне последице. Чланак је написан на основу руске и српске архивске грађе, објављених извора и стручне литературе.The article discusses the number of the troops of the Kingdom of Serbia in
the First World War, as well as military and political consequences of its vast
casualties. It has been ascertained that there was a great number of
contradictory and incorrect figures, as well as inconsistent and tendentious
explanation throughout the literature on the subject. However, certain shift
in research has been noted, especially in the latest demographic studies.
Despite its drawbacks, the literature offers the basic frame within which it is
possible to make certain corrections in order to sharpen the image. The image
has been built by systematizing, comparing, organizing and multiple checking
of the data from the published sources, which have been supplemented with
less known or unknown data from the Russian and Serbian archives. The
article is comprised of several parts:
1) The introduction offers the review of the subject in literature. It is
followed by the analysis of the number of Serb soldiers who were evacuated
to Greece. It has been concluded that there was a total of 155,000, but also
that the Serb army had between 20,000 and 21,000 losses, from the arrival at
Corfu since the return to Serbia (16,000 dead and about 4,000 captured and
missing). Besides, a large number of soldiers were in rehabilitation centers
and hospitals in Africa and on non-combat duties at Corfu, Thessaloniki,
France, Switzerland and elsewhere. In certain periods, there were 10,000 or even more people at Corfu and in Bizerte alone. 2) The attention is paid to the number and structure of the Serbian army on the Salonika front. Significant variation in the number of soldiers was shown: from 128,000 “by list” and 116,000 “on the spot” in the summer of 1916, over 130,000 “by list” and 94,000 “on the spot” in the spring of 1917, to 142,000 “by list” and 111,000 “on the spot” at the end of 1918. The important factors were often poor health condition and elderly age of the
soldiers. Moreover, the Serbs had no shifts in positions, nor did they have regular replacements of the troops such as the allied troops, and it all badly influenced their morale. The number of Serb rifles, from about 60,000 upon the arrival at the Salonica front in 1916, dropped to just 26,000 effective rifles at the beginning of 1918, which had held about 60 kilometers of the front.
Бројно стање српске војске на Солунском фронту 1916–1918. године и војно-политичка подршка Руске империје Краљевини Србији 3) The lack of a replacement of the Serbian troops after 1915 was the main reason for the formation of a Serbian volunteer corps in Russia. It was comprised of Austro-Hungarian prisoners-of-war and attempted to gather
people among Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian emigrants. Furthermore, Serbian citizens, fleeing from the Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian armies or captured by their allies were also mobilized. The people from the liberated territory were mobilized. Despite all the efforts, and expected 100,000 volunteers, only 21,000 were gathered. A total of 18,000 of them arrived at
the Salonica Front, and 15,000 were present “on the spot” at the time of its breakthrough. 4) Before the Salonika offensive, the divisions were strengthened in number and quality, mainly by influx of volunteers. The power of the Serbian army was considerably elevated by the high increase of artillery and automatic weapons. The entire army counted about 142,000, while the forces “on the spot” had about 80,000 officers and soldiers of all divisions. The infantry that made the breakthrough numbered 63,000 people. 5) Instead of the conclusion, the previous findings have been summarized and the reliability of certain data, assertions and interpretations published in the literature is assessed. It has been pointed out to the numbers and the
quality of the army as a crucial circumstance for making important political decisions, some with far-reaching consequences. The demographic indicators for the population of Serbia and other parts of Serb-populated areas have been compared and their reliability has been estimated. It has noted that, despite the exaggerations of some authors, the losses of Serbia and the
Serbian people were so great that the demographic consequences of the First World War have been felt for the next hundred years.PublishedŠifra projekta: 177016Рад је настао као резултат истраживања на пројекту Министарства просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије Српско друштво у југословенској држави у 20. веку: Између демократије и диктатуре (Ев. бр. 177016)
Za željeno roditeljstvo: državna politika Jugoslavije u oblasti planiranja porodice 1945-1974
No full textRad razmatra državnu politiku socijalističke Jugoslavije na polju planiranja porodice. Posebna pažnja je posvećena obrazovanju tela koja su se ovim poslom bavila, propagiranju željenog roditeljstva, kontracepciji kao i naporima da liberalizovani abortus prestane da bude (osnovna) metoda kontrole rađanja.Although the socialist governments promoted maternity believing that it cannot be completely in the private sphere of women’s life, state policy in the field of family planning never tried to regulate fertility. In the early 60-ies, family planning became social, and not just a health issue. Although there was a general consensus that the number of unwanted pregnancies (and thus the number of abortions) should be prevented through sexual education, improvement of health care services for mother and child and by providing counseling and a wider range of contraceptives application these principles in practice was slow. Together with the Conference for Social Activity of Women, the Federal Council for Family Planning worked on shaping attitudes that served as a kind of platform for the adoption of the Resolution on Family Planning (1969) which was a kind of a national program. The right of the parents to determine the number of children in the family and the interval between births was defined as „one of the fundamental human rights“, which was to be achieved by using contraception. In accordance with this view, an abortion was defined as the „last
means that would enable women to terminate an unwanted pregnancy.“ A few years later, the human right to decide freely on having children was included in the Constitution (1974).PublishedŠifra projekta: 177016Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku: između demokratije i diktature (177016), koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije
Документи ОЗНе о револуционарном терору 1944. на југу Србије:
Full text linkКњиге и спискови стрељаних, откривени у архивама тајне полиције, након отварања грађе истраживачима представљају важан документ не само за историју српског и југословенског, већ и европског па и светског комунизма. Ова јединствена и обимна документација (у таквом обиму и форми није пронађена нигде у Источној Европи) омогућује да до детаља реконструишемо методе, динамику и циљеве терора у првој фази револуције. Према доступној документацији, насиље није било плод ексцеса или ванредног стања, већ део детаљно разрађеног плана, да би затим било и претворено у трајан, тоталан и савршен репресивни систем. Свеприсутна тајна полиција је била кичма репресивног апарата и својеврсни – немилосрдни мач револуције ослоњена на полицију, војску, тужилаштва и друге државне институције под монополом партије. Књиге и спискови стрељаних на југу Србије (Ниш, Лесковац, Пирот и Врање) дају нам детаљан преглед ликвидираних по насељима, као и њихову политичку и социјалну структуру али омогућују и прецизан
увид у методологију терора у режији Озне.Wild cleansing and court proceedings against thousands of political and class opponents in the first years of the new party’s government paved the way for the establishment of a one-party dictatorship in southern Serbia. At the same time wiping out civil society in Serbia, which was the pillar of the old regime, was part of a hidden plan. To achieve this, process of confiscating property of private entrepreneurs, industrialists, traders and others was put to use. Those who were executed at the wake of the campaign only months later would have received only a mild prison sentence. Collective sentencing, liquidations without trial or death penalties were given for the most bizarre of reasons – some for being government officials, some for being heads of institutions or enterprises that continued to work during the occupation. During the initial wave of the revolution, the state of belligerency, general sentiment of revenge and urge to punish war
criminals had an effect on the intensity of repression of the revolutionary forces. Most of all the intensity was determined by political and ideological needs which were met by a planned campaign of elimination of political and class enemies. Based on the available archive documentation of the secret police, similar liquidation scenario can be seen all over the South of Serbia from Vranje to Pirot. The intensity of persecution was dictated by local conditions and characters of people in power in cities and towns across Serbia. In total, 2,489 victims were
registered in the South of Serbia by the State Commission for secret mass-graves. More victims were registered in Medveđa, Leskovac and Niš and less in Vranje and Pirot. Ozna, Secret Service, managed the whole process and kept evidence, including arrests which were made according to hit-lists, records of interrogations with torture, extrajudicial liquidations, cover up of evidence and counterfeiting of sentencing documentation (in some cases) and compilation of Execution Registers of the state enemies. At first, the execution lists were made public in
cities and towns (Leskovac, Niš, Pirot etc.) at the same time. Such lists were used for propaganda and psychological purposes – destroying the reputation of the victims and intimidation of people. The last act of this drama was the pressure and scrutiny on the family members of the „state enemies“, which continued for years after the Second World War.PublishedŠifra projekta