Formal Approaches to South Asian Languages (E-Journal)
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Revisiting Conditional Typology for Bangla
Full text linkThe paper presents new data on two strategies of forming Conditionals in the Eastern Indo-Aryan language Bangla: Correlative Conditionals and Participial Conditionals. It further shows that there is a subtle division of labor between the two kinds of constructions. It is proposed that the distributional difference between these two provides evidence in favor of the theories of conditionals that classify Hypothetical Conditionals and Biscuit Conditionals as having the same underlying semantics. Furthermore, it is shown that the distinction extends to the then-word tahole in the language. This leads to a pragmatic account of the conditional participle -le in different types of participial conditionals. The paper ends with discussing how a pragmatic account leads to an unresolved question regarding the syntactic classification of the conditionals
Unconditional-FCIs of Dravidian
Full text linkWe explore a particle combination in Dravidian that occurs across unconditionals and free choice items. We first propose a semantics for the unconditional and then posit an unconditional structure for the polarity items of Dravidian that are formed with this particle combination. This not only unifies the paradigm for the unconditionals and free choice items that is called for by the occurrence of the same morphemes in both cases, but also explains the distribution and licensing of these polarity items
Unlabeled Structures and Scrambling Asymmetries: Hindi-Urdu style
Full text linkWe explore and derive the asymmetries noted in Hindi-Urdu (argument) scrambling via the Labeling Algorithm proposed by Chomsky (2013, 2015) to argue that leftward scrambling involves movement to/through a labeled edge of v*, but rightward scrambling necessarily does not. Both scrambling types are analysed as yielding unlabeled projections (with the exception of the copy at the edge of v*), which do not receive an effect on C-I outcome
Inversion Structures: some puzzles of reconstruction
Full text linkInversion structures present a singular problem: arguments and sentential operators of the inverted phrase seem to c-command “out of” the phrase into the sentence remnant. This phenomenon is often referred to as “connectedness”. This paper points out that the class of inversion structures that exhibit connectedness is larger than just “inverse” copular sentences and pseudoclefts; it includes experiencer predicates with “extraposed” clausal theme arguments and also SOV language sentences with post-verbal elements. It then examines some of the solutions proposed for connectedness, in particular a solution in terms of an ?-reduction rule proposed by Heycock & Kroch (1999). It notes a hitherto-unnoticed problem with the last mentioned solution, namely that the rule works only when the variable of the pseudocleft is at the lower end of the clefted phrase. The paper then suggests that the interpretive mechanism of LF is in fact extremely simple: it appends (by adjunction) the sentence remnant at the bottom of the inverted phrase. This solution yields the correct results for all the inversion data
Hakha Lai Definites
Full text linkThis paper uses fieldwork data to investigate definite expressions in Hakha Lai, a Kuki-Chin language spoken in western Burma/Myanmar and southern Indianapolis. Previous investigations of definite expressions (Hawkins 1978, Heim 1982, Roberts 2003, Schwarz 2009, and others) have posited properties such as uniqueness and identifiability as well as anaphoric reference as key features of definiteness. In an analysis of German definite articles, Schwarz (2009) proposes that definite expressions can be divided into two categories, weak definites, correlated with the semantic uniqueness of a referent, and strong definites which are correlated with anaphoric reference. Hakha Lai has two postnominal adjuncts, kha and cu, whose behavior is consistent with Schwarz’s weak and strong definites. This data from Hakha Lai expands upon previous research on definite expressions cross-linguistically and investigates the relationship between definiteness and its morphosemantic representations in natural language
The role of -i-na in Bangla ki-exclamatives
Full text linkThis paper analyzes the role of -i-na in Bangla ki ‘what’-exclamative structures. The distribution and behaviour of the negative marker na in the -i-na particle suggests that it is expletive in nature and is attached to the emphatic particle -i. We argue that -i-na attaches at the phrasal, but not at the sentential level. We also claim that -i-na carries an uninterpreted exclamative clause type feature and serves the purpose of domain widening which, as per Zanuttini and Portner (2003), is a crucial component of exclamatives. In this paper, we put on an argument in favour of Bangla ki having two lives: an argument life and a modifier life which is exclamatory by itself. We propose a unified semantics of -i-na, which can be compatible with both the lives of ki. Throughout the paper, we embrace the Hamblin denotation while analyzing the wh, ki and base our analysis of exclamatives on Balusu’s (2019) rendition of widening
Morphosyntax values itself
Full text linkAdducing evidence from case-copying reflexives, this paper argues that feature matching between a reflexive anaphor and its antecedent must include a morphosyntactic component. After discarding some plausible proposals, this feature-matching is modelled as agreement between antecedent and anaphor, mediated by a functional head
On the context layer of Bangla pronouns
Full text linkThis paper proposes an account of the formality agreement found in the Bangla pronounominal system, suggesting hierarchical values, rather than a binary one, for one of the formality determining features, (STATUS). With evidence from data on child language acquisition of Bangla pronouns, which points towards a long delay in children\u27s acquisition of the formal pronouns, the paper suggests that contexual featureal agreement must be posited as a post-syntactic phenomenon. This also helps explain why formality or other contexual featureal agreement are riddled with variation and subject to generational language change
A Case for Bare Accusatives in Hindi-Urdu
Full text linkI propose and evaluate an Agree-based analysis of accusative allomorphy in Hindi-Urdu. Evidence for a bare accusative form comes from the grammaticality of bare objects in non-finite environments. I argue that accusative case is checked compositely by Voice and v. Subject case (nominative and ergative) is checked by Fin, T and Asp. I also argue that case and agreement must be dissociated in HU as T may agree with nominals it does not assign case to
Ki – the Interrogative Disjunction Morpheme in Bangla
Full text linkThe main aim of the paper is to study the behavior of the particle ‘ki’ in both polar and alternative questions in the Indo-Aryan language Bangla. In the paper, it is observed that ‘ki’ is a polar question particle, and also surfaces as a disjunction marker in alternative questions. This observation generates the claim that in Bangla there is an identity relation between the polar question particle and interrogative disjunction morpheme. This further leads to the proposal that there is a disjunction operator in both polar and alternative questions in Bangla, and ‘ki’ is the lexical realization of that operator