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The Military Command Authority of the Tang Emperors in Relation to the Jinwuwei Regiment of Imperial Guards
Get PDFThis article examines the characteristic features of the Jinwuwei 金吾衞 Regiment, one of the Twelve Imperial Guards (Shi’erwei 十二衞) units in China’s Southern Command (Nanya 南衙) system from the viewpoint of its relationship to the military command authority of the Tang Period Emperors. The author’s findings are as follows.
First, the Jinwuwei was integrated into the emperor’s military command and was the Imperial Guard unit that functioned to activate that authority. This special character of the Jinwuwei stems from the “yuhou” 虞候 military system of the Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang periods. Yuhou were the units responsible for reconnaissance and sentry duty, as well as command and leadership of forces in the field, supporting the authority of the high command by implementing its military law. The author argues that the Jinwuwei was an Imperial Guard unit acting in the role of yuhou under the command of the Tang Emperors.
Secondly, the Jinwuwei, with the principle of yuhou at its core, was originally formed based on the concepts underlying the nomadic military organization of Xianbei 鮮卑, resembling the Mongolian pastoral bureaucracies of yūrtchī and bulārghūchī, demonstrating, in the author’s view, one occurrence of the nomadic elements which existed within the Sui and Tang Dynasty bureaucracies.
Based on these findings, the author concludes that the military command authority of the Tang Emperors was intimately related to the Jinwuwei in the capacity of a yuhou unit, which was mobilized in order to deploy the whole Twelve Imperial Guards under the command of the Emperor. Moreover, the workings of military command authority in general—for example in the case of a special expeditionary force (hangjun 行軍) and regional military governors (jiedushi 節度使)—were similarly based on the yuhou system with its Xianbei nomadic character. From the above findings it is inferred that the Twelve Imperial Guards including the Jinwuwei retained the character of hangjun units under the Emperor’s military command.journal articl
関内道の羈縻州首領一族について―安史の乱前後を中心に
Get PDFThe aim of the present article is to examine the chieftains of three Tang Dynasty Jimizhou 羈縻州 protectorates in the Guannei 關內 Circuit—the heads of the Murong 慕容 Clan of Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, the Tuoba 拓拔 Clan of Tangut 党項 and the Lun 論 Clan of Tibet—tracing their activities during the Kaiyuan 開元 and Tianbao 天寶 Eras (713–756) in an attempt to clarify the impact they made on the An Lushan 安祿山 Rebellion, which began in 755. The author begins with an analysis of the bureaucratic titles conferred by the Tang Dynasty on the members of each clan during the period in question, finding that 1) not only family heads, but also their brothers, uncles and cousins were appointed to administrative positions; 2) there were clan members who utilized the accomplishments of their fathers to begin their careers at the central Tang Court; and 3) the heads of the three clans were made vice-commanders of the Shuofang Army (Shuofang Jiedu-fushi 朔方節度副使).
Next, the author turns to the activities of the three clan members in the An Lushan Rebellion based on examples from the Murong and Lun Clans, confirming that those who either served the central Tang Court or were stationed at Tongguan 潼關 for its defense on the outbreak of the Rebellion, afterwards returned to their own protectorates or went to the defense of Emperor Suzong 肅宗 at his temporary palace in Lingwu 靈武, leading regiments of their Jimizhou subjects in the expedition. Such actions, in the author’s view, were indicative of the movements of other Jimizhou chieftains of Guannei during the Rebellion.
The author concludes by arguing that the foundation for such action taken by Jimizhou chieftains during the An Lushan Rebellion was built by their activities during the previous Kaiyuan and Tianbao Eras, in that through administrative management of their protectorates along with their kinsfolk, they were able to hold influence over those regions in peacetime and thus make possible quick cohesion between them and the region’s inhabitants in responding to emergency situations. Moreover, their vice-commanderships in the Shuofang Army, which were conferred upon them owing to their experiences and potential military power, enabled the Tang Dynasty to ally the Army with the region’s inhabitants under their command.journal articl
聖宗三十四部の編成に見る遼朝の部族制
Get PDFIn the research to date on the history of the Liao Dynasty, the reign of Emperor Shengzong 聖宗 (982–1031) is regarded as the turning point in the Dynasty’s tribal system, based on the facts that Shengzong 1) reorganized the six nomadic tribes under the leadership of Xiwang 奚王 that had existed since the founding of the Dynasty and 2) formed subjects not of Qidan 契丹 ethnic origin—the Ordo 斡魯朶 people and imperial slaves—into tribes. Since there is no record of any new tribal formation in the Liaoshi 遼史 histories from that time on, Shengzong’s reign is regarded as marking the completion of the Dynasty’s tribal system.
Referred to in the Liaoshi as “Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes” (Shengzong Sanshisibu 聖宗三十四部), the research to date has inferred that this tribal collectivity was formed for the specific purposes of firmly establishing a centralized system of governance and expanding the tribal defense forces on the borders, despite the fact that no attempt have yet been made to ascertain the circumstances under which each individual tribe was formed. In order to fill this gap, the present article examines from which tribe each of Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes originated through a careful survey of the background and motivation for each tribe’s formation.
What this survey reveals is the possibility of classifying the thirty-four tribes into two distinct groups: those people already under the Liao rule prior to Shengzong’s reign and those people organized on the occasion of the acquisition of human resources in the expeditions during Shengzong’s reign. Furthermore, the purposes behind formation varied from tribe to tribe: for example, compensating for population scarcities, accounting for war captives, the restoration of order on the frontier, and appeasing groups of people to submit to Dynasty rule. In other words, Shengzong’s thirty-four tribes were not formed collectively under a consolidated policy of political centralization and border defense, but rather formed separately and incrementally in the process of the Liao Dynasty attempting to solve domestic and foreign problems that had arisen during Shengzong’s reign.
Despite the fact that the research to date has viewed the Liao tribal system as depicted in the Liaoshi as a self-evident conclusion and has avoided any discussion other than the aims of creating the system as a whole, the author concludes that tracing the circumstances of formation tribe-by-tribe casts doubt on the argument of the research to date that Shengzong conceived his own master plan when reorganizing the tribal system. In the future, only careful examination of conditions evolving over time promises to reveal the actual raison d’etre of the tribes formed under the Liao Dynasty.journal articl
