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The Confucian Ritual System and the Imperial Mausoleum Reforms in the Late Former Han Period
Full text linkDespite being one of the major issues in the late Former Han period, no common consensus has been established regarding the relationship between Confucianism and the Former Han emperors from the perspective of the ritual system reforms. This paper examines the mausoleum system reforms to propose that Confucianism transformed the concept of “emperor” through the ritual system reforms, requiring emperors to realize this modified concept on a personal level. However, each individual emperor encountered different circumstances that affected their responses to these Confucian demands.
Emperor Yuan (r. 48 BCE–33 BCE), who initiated the mausoleum reforms, attempted to establish the authority of the emperor (and the emperor’s descendants) over the wider imperial lineage, the Liu, using the Confucian classics about rites as its main foundation. However, this undermined the authority of later emperors who ascended the throne from collateral lines. As a result, emperors who later ascended to the throne from these collateral lines protected themselves by planting their private companions and relatives (mainly maternal relatives) in the political world while using their own ancestral mausoleums to guarantee these relationships as symbols of unity.
The reform of the ritual system intended to deny the concept of the “emperor” based on the “Han family tradition” and to instead situate the emperor as a human being in the Confucian concept of the word. This idea of “emperor,” recognized by Confucians as having supreme authority, was itself formed through their ritual system. At the same time, however, it constantly restricted the emperor’s words and deeds within the limits tolerated by Confucianism, forcing them to follow the Confucian ritual system instead of the Han family tradition.journal articl
The Scope of Influence of Shengching Shipao: Circulation, Distribution, and Readership of Japanese Chinese Newspaper in Manchuria
Full text linkThis article seeks to clarify the development, dissemination, and readership of Japanese Chinese newspapers, which are the fundamental issues in the study of newspaper history, by using Shengching Shipao as a representative case. Launched in Mukden (Fengtian) in October 1906, Shengching Shipao was a Japanese-run Chinese newspaper that occupies a significant place in the history of modern Chinese journalism. By tracing changes in the circulation and distribution of Shengching Shipao and examining its readership from the perspective of literacy and economic conditions, this article presents an overview of the development history of Japanese Chinese newspapers in Manchuria. Additionally, the study aims to open new avenues for readership research. It also reexamines the scope of Shengching Shipao’s influence in terms of time, geography, and social class.
This article finds that the influence of Shengching Shipao, centered in Mukden, expanded significantly from the late 1910s, peaked in the late 1920s, and remained relatively stable thereafter. Despite being a Japanese-owned newspaper, Shengching Shipao wielded considerable influence not only among the general public, including intellectuals and merchants, but also among the dignitaries of the Fengtian clique and the Mukden military. However, while it boasted such a large circulation and a diverse readership, the distribution of Shengching Shipao was primarily confined to Manchuria. Even when the articles published in this paper were reprinted in other newspapers in China, their content was limited to news sections. Given these circumstances, while Shengching Shipao certainly held an overwhelming presence in Manchuria, it cannot be said to have been as influential in the Chinese press as it was understood to be by the general public at the time.journal articl
The Origin and Development of the Buddha Akṣobhya,(Mi ’khrugs pa)
Full text linkThis paper introduces the Buddha Akṣobhya (Tib. Mi ’khrugs pa), an eastern buddha who gained significance in early Mahāyāna Buddhism alongside Amitābha, the western buddha. Akṣobhya features prominently in the Akṣobhyavyūha. Although the original Indian text of the sūtra is lost, two Chinese translations, one Tibetan translation, and various manuscripts survive. Akṣobhya’s buddha land, Abhirati (Tib. Mngon par dga’ ba), shares qualities of purity and superiority with Amitābha’s Sukhāvatī. However, unlike Sukhāvatī, it is not entirely free of desire, and it allows for the presence of women and the related matters of marriage, pregnancy, and birth. These features, absent in Sukhāvatī, make Abhirati closer to our world.
In comparing Akṣobhya’s vows and hand gestures with those of Amitābha, this paper argues that Akṣobhya embodies Śākyamuni’s steadfast determination toward enlightenment, perhaps representing Śākyamuni before his enlightenment. Amitābha, by contrast, may symbolize Śākyamuni’s compassion after enlightenment. Akṣobhya and Abhirati appear frequently in major Mahāyāna scriptures, including the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras, the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa sūtra, the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka sūtra, the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka sūtra, and the Mahāparinirvāṇa mahāsūtra. Thus, it is evident that the Akṣobhyavyūha was widely recognized in Mahāyāna.
Similarly, Akṣobhya is significant in Vajrayāna Buddhism as the eastern buddha in the Diamond Realm Mandala. Especially in Tibetan Buddhism, he eventually replaced the great sun buddha as the principal deity, and he remains popular even today. However, the connection between the Vajrayāna and the Mahāyāna Akṣobhya has yet to be clarified. Finally, this paper addresses this relationship and suggests future directions for Akṣobhya research.journal articl
