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    Putin’s Ukraine Invasion: Turbocharging Sino-Russian Collaboration in Energy, Maritime Security, and Beyond?

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    Putin’s war of choice in Ukraine will continue to send shock waves across the shores of maritime Asia for years, with unfolding impacts on ecosystems inhabited by oil barrels, gas pipelines, submarine technologies, jet engines, and basing access, within a context of a China-Russia relationship characterized over the centuries by cycles of fear, temporary bonds, and renewed division

    Episode 14: Peloponnesian War

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    In this episode Jon O’Gorman hosts John Maurer, Marc Genest, and Josh Hammond in talking about this ancient conflict. They start with the decision for war that Athens made and whether it is rational or not. Next, they look at the Athenian theory of victory and how they hoped to beat Sparta. They discuss the points in the conflict where opportunities for peace existed and how these off ramps to conflict were not in the Athenian interest since they were winning. These concepts are juxtaposed with the current situation in the Ukraine and how the Ukrainians might not be interested in peace even though pressured by the U.S. to do so. The strategic mistakes of Pericles and Cleon are discussed. Lastly, the conversation turns to the Athenian response to the revolt of Mytilene versus their later response to Melos and how atrocities become more accepted over the course of a protracted war.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/profiles-in-strategy/1013/thumbnail.jp

    Selective Engagements—Chinese Naval Diplomacy and U.S.-China Competition

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    As China enters a period of heightened strategic competition with the United States, the PLAN will adjust its foreign-engagement strategy. China will forge stronger naval relations with non-U.S. major powers, including Russia; the United States will attempt to deny China new overseas naval facilities; and both countries will use exercises and other instruments to shape regional perceptions

    Politics of Belonging: Men as Allies in the Meaningful Inclusion of Women in the Security Sector

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    Women’s inclusion in the security sector is viewed often as a social issue. States, however, are increasingly seeing it as a matter of national security as they struggle to fill ranks. To address this dilemma, many more women are needed to work alongside men in defense, intelligence, police and border protection. Unbarring the door to women through legislation and policy is a typical approach toward gender integration. It is needed, but not sufficient. Inclusion and integration are used interchangeably. They are not the same. Yes, both bring women into the security sector, but integration expects women to adapt to the existing system while inclusion ensures that the system adapts to women. A gender integrated approach permits women to serve alongside men in masculinized units with some accommodations but little acceptance. Such organizations are male dominated, exhibit deep-seated masculinized cultures, forge obstacles to women’s full participation and experience high levels of sexual violence. A gender inclusive approach is different as it merges men and women together with full system access. In these organizations, the default gender is not male, barriers for women are eliminated, all are valued, and the structure and its leaders do not permit the “strong” to prey on the “weak.”  This discussion draws upon personal experiences to consider how leaders create cultures of belonging for women’s meaningful inclusion.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/wps/1005/thumbnail.jp

    Learning to See

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    Learning to See is short for developing a useful strategic awareness and understanding of a dynamic and complex world. Preparing leaders for 21st Century challenges requires learning environments that are not only safe for honest intellectual inquiry and discourse but that are also richly diverse for fostering new and creative thinking. The Strategic Leaders International Course (SLIC) engages visual, musical, and written art and design in the classroom in order to better explore the human experience and create a learning environment that is conducive to creative thinking and self-discovery. Engaging art – viewing, reading, listening, creating - in the process of structured national security related learning introduces unexpected, uniquely-related content that offers intellectual and cultural on-ramps to new ideas and cultivates our capacity to think creatively. However modestly applied, art engagement can likewise offer untrodden pathways for Learning to See the relationships between Women, Peace, and Security in new ways. This presentation will offer a brief overview of the 4-week strategic leaders course, examples of uses and outcomes of art engagement in SLIC’s learning environment, and how the important relationships between Women, Peace and Security can be approached by an art-inspired journey toward Learning to See.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/wps/1011/thumbnail.jp

    Post-conflict Development of Feminist Leadership: Peace Insights from Rwanda and Serbia

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    Peace insights from Rwanda and Serbia will be highlighted using in-country qualitative leadership data collected by Amanda Metcalfe. Her work spans multiple international regions and concerns itself with working leadership strategies that promote ethics of gender equality. For this review she narrows her research to the attention of two grassroots movements using micro-sociological approaches. These regions are of particular importance because of their socio-political history, encounters with violent conflict and authoritarian rule. Women have, through the complexity of that history, managed to address future violence in unconventional ways. Those involved use feminist compelled social strategies to interface peace and create “movement.” The theoretical grounding of each movement will be discussed, as each target certain situational opportunities and interpersonal dynamics that fuel violence– and while movement are important to study, so too is the ability to re-perform them for future peace efforts.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/wps/1019/thumbnail.jp

    China Maritime Report No. 27: PLA Navy Submarine Leadership - Factors Affecting Operational Performance

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    The way the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) selects and manages its submarine officers increases the likelihood of human performance errors onboard a PLAN submarine. First, PLAN submarine officers are selected from applicants with among the lowest college entrance examinations of any PLA educational institution, suggesting that PLAN submariners are among the service’s least talented officers. Second, the Party Committee system at the apex of decision-making aboard PLAN submarines may be less agile than other approaches to command, at least in certain circumstances. Lastly, while the policy of embarking flotilla leaders senior to the submarine captain may reduce some of the negative effects associated with the first two conditions, it could lead to reduced performance when senior leaders are not present. If external events during wartime stressed these factors, the likelihood of human-induced error events in the PLAN submarine force could increase substantially.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-maritime-reports/1026/thumbnail.jp

    Anatomy of China’s Maritime Strategy: Threatening the Maritime Order Through Its National Legislation and Self-Centered Interpretation of UNCLOS

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    While the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) establishes an objective framework for the coordinated handling of the use of the sea by States in the exercise of their legislative, judicial, and executive powers, China’s legislative bodies, in enacting domestic laws for the fulfillment of treaty obligations, distort obligations in its domestic laws to secure their own national interests. For example, Article 6.2 of China’s Territorial Sea Law violates articles of UNCLOS by denying the right of innocent passage. In addition, China is extending its jurisdiction over security to the contiguous zone with Article 13 of the China Territorial Sea Law which, again, violates UNCLOS. Moreover, the 2021 Coast Guard Law of the People’s Republic of China contains problematic or illegal clauses such as the vague concept of “waters under the jurisdiction of China,” coercive measures against warships and government vessels, and vague standard for use of weapons. China seemingly believes that treaties are binding on other countries and not on itself if they threaten China’s system of governance or core interests. In short, China is a country that either abides by treaties or does not abide by them on a case-by-case basis

    The Black Sea Grain Initiative: Russia’s Strategic Blunder or Diplomatic Coup?

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    On July 22, 2022, Ukraine, the Russian Federation, Türkiye, and the United Nations signed a groundbreaking agreement to allow for the safe transport of grain, related foodstuffs, and fertilizer from three Ukrainian ports to global markets. Concurrently, a second (lesser known) agreement was concluded between the United Nations and Russia that would allow the unimpeded export of Russian food and fertilizer (including raw materials to produce fertilizers) to world markets. These agreements were hailed as a critical solution for the impending global food crisis and the safety and security of neutral shipping in the Black Sea resulting from the Russia-Ukraine war. One year later, the question remains—what motivated Russia to agree to the deal? This article evaluates whether Russia’s decision to support the UN Grain Deal (and its two subsequent renewals) was a strategic blunder or a well-informed diplomatic coup

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