Canadian Woman Studies / les cahiers de la femme (E-Journal, York University)

Coomarasamy, Sudharshana

Backlog Brutality"
SUDHARSHANA (SUDHA) COOMARASAMY
On Trial Without Charges
My waking hours are spent
trying to forget the nightmares.
I see my wife with unshed tears
carrying our child in the womb,
holding our children by the hand,
bidding farewell silently, in the dark.
I was certain in seeking refuge
my family will also attain safety soon.
At hearings I had to recall and relive
and then be traumatized anew.
But I bore it all because I longed
this nightmare of severance to cease.
Daily, I waited for the letter,
that would give hope and new life to us.
Now my neighbour who recently joined my hell
tells me that my last child is five years old.
I close my eyes trying to visualize-
holding my baby on my lap, on my shoulder,
watching her crawl and take the first step,
Listening to music of first words.
But, I cannot give a face to my fantasy,
and reality reminds me I've never seen-
the baby that's ours and is now five years old.
All around me I see-
mothers, fathers, wives, husbands and children,
waiting to be joined with their families,
separated and fragmented longing to become whole.
How can I find solace
that I'm not the only one in this hell hole.
That not one but thousands cry in despair
and that thousands have only exchanged
one nightmare to another -even worse.
Had we stayed, death would have brought sweet
peace;
but in asylum we've gained pain that'll never cease.
* In response to the ICCR report submitted to UN Human
Rights Commission on Civil Rights andRefugee Claimant
Backlog, October 1990.
We hid behind bushes,
laboured with birth pangs inside trenches-
stretched a meal for husband and children,
and filled our bellies with water.
We gathered our family
under one roof-a tree.
We witnessed loss of life and property
and shuddered and suffered daily.
Some decided to brave the seas,
some the relentless desert lands.
Separation-the price of survival
traditions were broken to stay alive.
When at borders, ports and camps
our hosts surveyed us with doubts and disbelief,
and sought proof of our pain and loss,
we suffered and shrunk a little more.
Our journeys are not over yet
in asylum we are in exile.
In resettlement we are on trial
Our charges are not clear to us.
Is it a crime to want to stay alive,
to raise your family without war and fear.
Is it a crime to cross borders
and seek refuge in a neighbour's house?
36
Sudfulrsluma Coomarasamy is a Sri Lankan Tamil whose poetry has been published in DNA, Fireweed and Refugee Update.
Since coming to Canada, she has been actively involved with refugee and women's issues.
CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME


English

On Trial Without Charges

Hume, Kim

also navigated the territory of semantics.
The result is an informed and uniquely
Canadian analysis of the roles of govern-
ments, women, doctors, the justice sys-
tem and those who claim to speak for the
unborn in the abortion debated.
In the same way a prism reflects differ- '
ent colours depending on the angle of
vision, each author views the abortion
issue in a slightly different way. Thus,
while Brodie, Gavigan and Jenson col-
laborated onwriting the introductory chap-
ter which defines the premise of the book,
the subsequent three chapters are authored
by each woman separately.
The second chapter, written by Jenson,
outlines the history of abortion in Canada
from the late sixties to the 1988 Supreme
Court ruling that found the existing abor-
tion legislation unconstitutional as it vio-
lated a woman's 'security of the person.'
This legislation, adopted in 1969, was the
result of pressure by a medical profession
that wanted the power to perform abor-
tions without the fear of arrest. Through-
out the next 20 years, however, this legal
'medicalization' of abortion was unable
to ensure equal access to abortion services
for all Canadian women. Nor was it able
to quell a growing movement that was
turning abortion: the medical procedure,
into abortion: the moral dilemma.
The subsequent chapter, authored by
Brodie, describes the immediate reaction
to the legislative void. Brodie brings the
parliamentary debate alive by sprinkling
this account with the emotionally loaded
words of MPs. This time, the abortion
discourse revolves around rights-those
of women versus those of the fetus. After
much debate, in which 79 per cent ofTory
MPs lamented the destruction of innocent
babies' lives, no legislation was devised
due to lack of consensus in the House.
But events during the summer of 1989,
such as the court injunctions brought
against an Ontario woman and a Quebec
woman by their respective partners, re-
sulted in parliament's attempt to reintro-
duce legislation. Bill C-43, as itwas called,
passed in the House but in dramatic fash-
ion, died in the Senate due to a tie vote.
Not surprisingly, both pro-life and pro-
choice forces saw victory here.
In the final chapter, Gavigan takes the
stage to probe the meaning of the events
of the past two decades and she calls into
play the larger issues involved in the abor-
tion debate: women's perceived role in
society and society's perceived role in
women's reproductive lives.
Here, the full complexity of the abor-
tion issue emerges. Quoting British femi-
nist Carol Smart's warning that law is an
imperfect instrument with which to cor-
rect the injustices women face in society,
Gavigan introduces the idea that there are
limits to the ability of legislation to bring
about social change.
At the outset, the authors are quick to
point out that the language of the abortion
issue reflects the position of those who
speak it. Similarly, the language of this
book exemplifies the academic back-
ground of the authors. Some passages are
difficult to grasp without an understand-
The
Politics
Of
Abortion
Janine Brodie
Shelley A.M. Gavigan
lane Jenson
----..1
ing of legal words and precepts.
Nonetheless, this book clearly cautions
feminists against looking to the state for
the regulation of women's reproductive
lives. Instead, advocates of a woman's
right to choose may achieve greater suc-
cess by employing a wide variety of tac-
tics to bring about full reproductive free-
dom, as opposed to spending vital energy
fighting asmall butvocal anti-choice lobby
in the courts and in parliament-a lobby
that refuses to see the financial, social and
personal realities of women's lives.
1 IN 3: WOMEN WITH
CANCER CONFRONT AN
EPIDEMIC
Edited by Judith Brady. Pittsburgh:
Cleis Press, 1991.
By KimHume
This collection ofwomen's essays, sto-
ries and poetry is a revealing first-hand
look at a disease that manifests itself in
many fonns, attacking 1in 3 people. While
breast cancer is the focus of this volume,
women with other fonns of cancer have
also contributed. The personal accounts
are disturbing in their openness, graphic
in their detail. And if the descriptions of
the disease and its treatments aren't hor-
rific enough, the mistreatment of women
by doctors and husbands, and the cover-
up of information by government, are
sure to instill rage.
One woman, a fannworker, tells the
story of how she moved to a farm near the
Hanford nuclear complex in Washington
state. "I became pregnant easily and of-
ten, only to miscarry at 3 months or give
birth at 6 or 7 months. 'You are too high
strung,' I was told... Over the next few
years my marriage slowly became a night-
mare in a world made up of a resentful
husband, piling medical bills, and prema-
ture babies born dead or dying of cranial
hemorrhaging."Among a myriad ofhealth
problems, this woman had to deal with
both cervical cancer, for which she had a
partial hysterectomy, and then breast can-
cer and a mastectomy.
Later, while watching TV, she saw a
program about the Hanford Nuclear Plant
and the radioactive iodine and waste it had
purposely released into the air and ground
in the 1940s. "I listened first in paralyzed
pain as I heard the show's host tick off a
list of illnesses connected with radiation
and iodine-133, and my mind jumped
from one memory to another as I relived
the cranial hemorrhaging, the seizures,
the birth defects, the honnonal problems
which had plagued me and my children.
How often I had blamed myself! How
often I had labelled myself as a 'bad'
mother, a 'bad' wife. And all this time the
real reasons for my troubles had been
known by the plant and the government.
In fact, they had released the cloud of
102 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME
radiation on purpose."
It made me sick to read this woman's
story. Then, it made me sad. There are
other horror stories too. One woman's
doctor dismissed her symptoms and then
months later identified her problem as an
advanced cancerous tumour requiring
immediate ·surgery. Another woman tells
of a friend who died of breast cancer. Her
husband had refused to allow her to have
a mastectomy.
These women criticize the American
cancer agencies for focussing on cure
rather than prevention. Cancer is largely
an environmental problem: Judith Brady,
the editor of 1 in 3, estimates that 90 per
cent of cancers are caused by environ-
mental toxins, and quotes the Louisiana
with
CANCER
confront an
EPIDEMIC
State Legislature as stating that "many, if
not most, cancers are preventable." This
leads to the question ofwhy this disease is
so statistically significant, yet so low in
profile. In Canada in 1987, 4,381 peopled
died of breast cancer, compared to 417
AIDS deaths in that year.
Unfortunately, cancer does discrimi-
nate. Cancer incidence is higher in com-
munities near chemical factories. These
neighbourhoods are often poor and non-
white. There is also a tendency for toxic
waste dumps to be located in Black or
Hispanic neighbourhoods. In the U.S., the
women in such communities cannot af-
ford the health insurance that would cover
VOLUME 12, NUMBER 4
regular mammograms. In a country whose
health care system caters to those who can
afford it, these women are as much vic-
tims of poverty as of cancer.
But the politics and the medical profes-
sion aside, there are positive aspects to
these women's cancerexperiences. These
women have faced their own mortality,
and have much to say about it. They have
learned to appreciate life, they have dis-
covered communities in women battling
breast cancer. Today women are taking
charge of their lives, arming themselves
with information and making their own
treatment decisions.
One woman tells how she took an ac-
tive role in selecting her own treatmentfor
a cyst in her breast. Mter exploring all the
alternatives, she decided not to have the
mastectomy advised by her doctor, but
instead a lumpectomy and radiation treat-
ment. Unfortunately, more than ten years
later, radiation-induced cancer in her
shoulder was discovered. The radiation
she had undergone after her lumpectomy
had caused this second cancer and had
also damaged nerves in her arm and hand.
After complex surgery to remove her clavi-
cle, her left hand has no strength. "I recog-
nize that my decision to choose radiation
therapy rather than mastectomy was a
mistake, but it was I who made that deci-
sion." More and more, women are refus-
ing to have their treatment paths dictated
by their doctors, and are finding the con-
sequences, whether good or bad, easier to
face.
The title of this book is intended to be
dramatic: 1 in 3: Women with Cancer
Confront an Epidemic. Unfortunately it is
also misleading. This book focusses on
breast cancer, which strikes one in nine
women. The one in three refers to cancer
statistics overall; not just women, not just
breast cancer. While the title may grab
one's attention, it may also harm the book's
credibility.
This criticism aside, I found the book a
gripping read. The horror inspires rage
and disgust, but there is hope for the
future. The contributors' sources are well
documented, and a brief resource list is
included with the editor's closing com-
ments. Certainly my interest and concern
have been aroused. I don't have cancer-
yet. But I know people who do, and with
these statistics, most of us will know peo-
ple who will die of this disease. Many of
these excerpts are in effect dying words.
They're to live by.
In Canada, the Canadian Cancer Soci-
ety has a number of brochures on breast
health and breast cancer. In their breast
self-examination brochure they state that
eighty per cent of all breast cancers diag-
nosed clinically were found by the woman
herself. That's a good place to start.
FEMMES, SAVOIR, SANTE.
Recherches !eministes, vol. N, nO 1,
1991, Universite Laval, Quebec.
Par Madeleine Gilchrist
FEMMES, SAVOIR, SANTE
Il etait grand temps qu'on se penche sur
les recherches feministes faites dans le
domaine de la sante et des femmes. La
revue Recherches !eministes a ausculte,
explore ce domaine et l'a intitule :
«Femmes, Savoir, Sante ». Des
infirmieres, des sociologues, des ecri-
vaines, des ingenieures en philosophie,
des professeures d'histoire, de psy-
chologie, de medecine sociale, de
genetique, venant du Canada, parti-
culierement du Quebec, de la France et de
l'Algerie, nous font part de leurs travaux.
En tout sept articles, un dossier et huit
comptes-rendus composent ce numero
unique.
Disons tout de suite que la publication
103


1 in 3: Women With Cancer Confront an Epidemic

Shahani, Roshan

THE INNER COURTYARD
Lakshmi Holmstrom, ed. London:
Virago, 1990.
by Roshan Shahani
Somewhere in our Scriptures it has been
said: "With systematic regularity, a man
should beat his Drum, his Donkey, his
Slave and his Wife, in order to keep them
under control and in working order." In
this recently published collection of short
stories by Indian women called The Inner
Courtyard (Lakshmi Holmstrom, ed.), the
Indian woman is portrayed not only as a
victim of these "beatings" enjoined by
religion and tradition,but she is often seen
to revolt against the patriarchal world-
order and to redefine her own space.
The title-The Inner Courtyard--sug-
. gests several meanings. It signifies, on the
one hand, the secluded, restricted life of
the Indian woman who is physically and
figuratively relegated to the inner recesses
of the patriarchal household. Many of the
stories, especially those set in an earlier
period, are actually located in this all-
women's enclave. Even those with a more
contemporary setting present the woman
as being closeted within the kitchen, the
bedroom or the immediate neighbour-
hood so that her contact with the outside
world is limited by well-defined bounda-
ries, by the traditional Lakshmanrekha
(the line drawn by Laxman demarcating
the boundary beyond which Sita was for-
bidden to cross). On the other hand, a
counterpoint to the claustrophobiaofthese
constrained lives is also provided, for the
inner courtyard provides a sense of inti-
macy, a sharing ofexperience among the
women, and the solaceoffemale bonding.
Finally, the courtyard symbolizes the pri-
vate spaces of the woman's mind, the
inner regions of her psyche, the region
where she struggles with herself and
against the world.
The writers in this imaginatively as-
sembled collection come from diverse
cultures and regions of India, thereby au-
thenticating the diversity of patterns of
living and thinking. Furthermore,
Holmstrom has includedboth stories writ-
ten originally in English, and others which
have been translated from various Indian
languages-Tamil, Marathi, Hindu, and
Urdu. This provides the reader with an
understanding of the variegated patterns
of living in the Indian context, and of the
realities of India's multilingual and
multicultural situation. A new perspec-
tive is also provided by the inclusion of
diasporic writing which often draws upon
the experience of migration.
A wide time frame is covered in this
collection of stories. For instance, at one
end of the spectrum is a story written in
1938 and set in a still earlier period-the
turn of the century; at the other end is one
written in 1989 and presumably set in that
decade. Cultural, spatial, and temporal
differencesperceived in these stories serve
to present the complexity and contradic-
tions of what it means to be an 'Indian'
woman. The protagonist, the author, and
finally even the reader cannot clearly and
readily respond or correspond to fixed
notions of 'Indianness.' What this collec-
tion of fiction does serve to define, is this
very fact that a stereotyping of the Indian
woman must give way to a more con-
scious awareness of the inevitable multi-
plicity of a society that speaks over 16
languages and practises over eight reli-
gions. Besides, in a country which con-
tains overlapping worlds ofexperience-
the rural, landless peasantry co-existing
with the sophisticated 'westernized' class,
mind-boggling affluence with stark pov-
erty, traditional orthodoxy with Naxalitel
activity, faith in computer technology with
an equally fervent belief in astrology-
the ambiguity and contradictions of what
constitutes the Indian woman become
more and more apparent
The confusing realities of these inter-
woven worlds and their impact on the
protagonists, along with the specificities
ofthe Indian socio-political developments
like colonialism, independence, partition,
and migration, form thebackdrop to many
ofthe stories. Hence, even while they deal
with individual growth, or loss, or tri-
umph, these stories become the collective
histories of women scattered all over this
vast land. Many of the themes that domi-
nate-mother-daughter relationships,
marital discords, problems of spinster-
hood, the woman's struggles against so-
cial evils-although 'universal' in their
implications, are rooted in the specificity
ofgeography and the history ofthe Indian
soil. This makes the Indian reader more
consciously aware of what is already fa-
miliar because she is treading on
'homeground', even though that
homeground covers such an immense
expanse. The western reader's response
may perhaps differ, for, to many, it is an
unfamiliar world that unfolds itself-the
issues raised and the problems discussed
very remote from the ones she might have
to deal with in the western milieu, and yet
linked together by a common interest and
concern.
One of the themes that predominates
throughout the collection is the theme of
marriage in all its ramifications. The"uni-
versally acknowledged truth" is that a
single girl in want of a husband becomes
a burden that the entire family has to
shoulder. The consequences of lonely
spinsterhood, of the family's loss ofrepu-
100 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME
tation, ofhumiliation are threats that loom
large over the characters in many of the
stories, reflecting a very 'normal' situa-
tion in a society which even today does
not offer many viable alternatives or pos-
sibilities to the unmarried woman. This is
seen in Ismat Chugtai's powerful story
"Chauthi Ka Jaura,,2 and in Shama
Futehally's "The Meeting."
The celebration of the birth ofa son and
the corresponding lament at the birth of a
daughter are also ingrained attitudes in
the Indian psyche, and so internalized by
women themselves thateven theprolonged
battles against these notions do not seem
to have changed attitudes very radically.
The media plays a contradictory role.
Conscious, albeit clumsy, attempts have
been made by Doordarshan (the govern-
ment-controlled national television net-
work) to change these time-honoured con-
cepts; at the same time, television com-
mercials and Hindi box-office ftlms are
subliminallyentrenchingthese hide-bound
orthodoxies. Read in this context, Mrinal
Pande's "Girls" and Vishwapriya
Iyengar's "The Library Girl" assume a
relevance and importance far beyond their
immediate contexts. In fact, Pande is her-
self a media person and her views on
Indian feminist issues have played a vital
role in the contemporary situation.
At the same time, the overall picture of
the lives of these girls and women does
notappear totally gloomy and defeatist. A
silent, if silenced, protest and subversive
support emerge among the women-folk,
even though they know that they are help-
less against a world that defmes them and
which they never helped to defme. There
are stories where the very buffeting by the
male world-order instinctively draws the
women together in forming a support sys-
tem of their own. Of course, most of the
situations are set within the family-fold,
hence this is not an active, vocal, organ-
ized support system; it is always hidden,
covert, intuitive, whether between sib-
lings as in "Chauthi Ka Jaura", between
mother and daughter as in "The Library
Girl", orbetweengrandmotherand grand-
daughter, as in Kamala Das's "Summer
Vacation" and Shashi Deshpande's "My
Beloved Charioteer." Maternity, mater-
nal tenderness, sympathy for thegirl-child
or the grown daughter emanate through
most of these stories, except perhaps in
"Girls," where the women have so inter-
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
nalized the male desire for son and heir
that they vent theirown frustrations on the
girl-child; victims themselves, they vic-
timize their own kind. In contrast to this
story is Ambai's (C.S. Lakshmi) "Yellow
Fish," which depicts a mother's mourn-
ing for the loss of her newborn girl.
While, therefore, different and varying
portraits of womanhood appear through
this collection ofeighteen stories, it is not
mere coincidence that there is not a single
one among them that portrays the male in
a positive or supportive role. Atbest, they
are helpless, shadowy, figures; at worst,
belligerent, tyrannical, and in two of the
stories, brutally cruel. Lalitambika
Antarjanam's "Revenge Herself' and
Mahasveta Devi's"Draupadi"are exposes
of a violent and turbulent world. These
two stories dramatize the sexual violence
and the brute force of the male against
which the woman has to contend. The
protagonists in both stories emerge from
the inner courtyard into the raw world,
and even while in the eyes of the world
they are 'fallen' women, they emerge
triumphant for they fight to live on their
own terms. In most of the other stories,
one perceives the underlying socio-politi-
cal forces at work beneath the personal
dimensions; in these two stories, how-
ever, the socio-political situations form
the very raison d' etre of the narratives.
"Revenge Herself' is based on an actual
event in the late nineteenth century, when
a woman from the Nambudiri Brahman
caste in Kerala left her unfaithful husband
to become a prostitute. At her trial she
argued that her partners in prostitution
should be excommunicated along with
her for they were equally guilty.
Mahasveta Devi's "Draupadi," set
against the Naxalite movement of the
seventies, challenges middle class moral-
ity to the core of its being. Draupadi, the
peasant woman who has played an active
role in the peasant revolt, is caught and
repeatedly raped by the police. Her name
has obvious ironic implications, for, un-
like the mythic world ofour epics, there is
no Krishna who can work miracles to
preserve the woman's modesty. There is,
however, double irony here. This peasant
.woman will not even invoke the gods'
mercy. It is her own inherent dignity, her
womanly pride and her indomitable cour-
age that are her weapon, her protection
and her religion.
One enters a radically different, none-
theless equally real world in the stories
which depict transnational and cross-cul-
tural encounters, leading to confusion and
conflict in the lives of the women con-
cerned. Attia Hosain's "The First Party,"
set in the colonial period, depicts a young
wife's uneasy encounter with the free,
unrestrained worldoftheburrasahibs and
memsahibs. The tension in this story is
provided by the fact that the very tradi-
tions of the orthodox world from which
the bride has come inhibit her from being
able to protest freely against the alien
'western' world, even though this world
makes her feel uneasy and miserable. A
similar juxtaposition of two worlds is
perceived in Anjana Appachana's "Her
Mother". This is the story of immigra-
tion-the parting ofways between a teen-
age daughter and aging mother. In a cul-
turewhere thedaughter traditionally leaves
home only as a bride, but which is increas-
ingly seeingthephenomenon ofgirls leav-
ing for the western world, never to 're-
turn' in the true sense of the term, this
story holds meaning and relevance to the
contemporary Indian situation. The main
purpose of these stories is to authenticate
the bewilderment of those women who
havebeen frrmlyrooted in one cultureand
cannot and will not slip easily into an-
other.
At the other end of the spectrum is the
experience of displacement felt by the
white woman who has adopted India as
her homeland. Rukshana Abmad's ''The
Gate-keeper's Wife" draws upon this situ-
ation; thekindand compassionate Annette
fmds that her humane understanding of
the pathetic plight of the animals in an
Indian zoo has made her ignore the worse
conditions of the poor and the hungry.
However, this is not a satiric portrait of a
modern-day memsahib; our criticism is
pre-empted by the Indian husband's mock-
ery whereby he makes his wife bear the
burden of the colonial past, and "rub[s] in
the entire guilt of white nations into her
soul. ..."
It is in "Birthday Deathday," written by
PadmaH~madi(adiasporicwriter~e
Appachana and Abmad), that a tentative
reconciliation between the eastern and
western worlds is made possible. The
story suggests that the protagonist who
has rebelled against tradition comes to the
same understanding as her traditionally
101
married sister. Her insight comes pain-
fully on her "death day." Implicit is the
suggestion that she has to be attuned to the
wisdom she has left behind in her old
homeland and must recover it through a
painful struggle.
The concluding story in this collection,
"Dusty Distance," is by Suniti Namjoshi,
yet another diasporic writer. The desire of
the Blue Donkey to be a writer is held in
scorn by the male poet whose aggressive-
ness and magnificent confidence frighten
her away. Next she encounters a Beautiful
Lady who loves poetry but cannot under-
stand "Blue Donkese" and although the
Blue Donkey protests vehemently that
she writes in English the Lady insists that
their two worlds are very different-
"What have a Lady and a donkey in com-
mon?" and the donkey turns away rue-
fully into the "dusty distance."
This fable serves as a comment on The
Inner Courtyard. These voices-all In-
dian, all women, speaking in multitudi-
nous tongues, articulating manifold expe-
riences, might not belong to the Highway
road of the "Poet" or the "immaculate
woods" of the "Beautiful Lady". Yet-
whether, they speak English or "Blue
Donkese", these writers will not "sadly
retrace" their steps into the "dusty dis-
tance." Instead, they will speak insist-
ently from that distance, whether or not
they are heeded.
1The Naxalite Movement was a peasant
uprising in 1972atNaxalbari in Bengal. It
was supported by communist revolution-
aries, and was followed by similar upris-
ings elsewhere.
2Chauti Ka Jaura is the dress worn on the
fourth day ofwedding celebrations. Itwas
believed that during the preparation of the
trousseau, if even one piece of the elabo-
rate dress was cut inexactly, something
would go wrong with the marriage.
GENDER AND TRffiE:
WOMEN, LAND AND
FORESTSINJHARKHAND
Govind Kelkar & Dev Nathan. New
Delhi: Kali for Women, 1991.
by Sujata Ramachandran
This interesting study documents the gen-
der role transformations that occur in a
tribal society, and the formation of patri-
archy in the present context the continu-
ing loss ofcontrol over land and forests on
thepartoftheJharkhandadivasis(tribals).
It further looks at their resistance to this
change in the form of a political move-
ment for a Jharlchand state. The authors
contrast the greater political and manage-
ment participation of women in foraging
tribes (as the Birhor) with the lesser posi-
tion of women in the mainly agricultural-
ist tribes (as Santhal, Ho, Munda and
Oraon). Kelkar and Nathan argue that the
introduction of settled agriculture within
the tribal situation had led to the
propertylessness of women, and ensured
patrilocality and the political
marginalization of tribal women.
They claim that the origins of male
dominance are connected with the strug-
gle to control women's labour and the
products of women's labour, not neces-
sarilythelabourofreproduction,butwom-
en's labour as a whole. Thus, thesubordi-
nation of women precedes the formation
ofclass society, in the conventional sense.
The seeds ofgender inequality have been
present in adivasi society, although not in
a developed form of full control over all
aspects of a woman's existence as found
in caste/class society. Itis, however, in the
interactionofJharlchandi society with state
formations of the plains-initially with
the Mughal Raj and much more so with
British colonialism-that this society has
evolved in the direction of patriarchy. In
this context, the evolution of patrilineal
rights and the riseofvarious taboos against
women's participation in some key types
oflabour such as ploughing are discussed.
The study also considers the growingphe-
nomenon of witch hunting as an attempt
to establish the authority of men. Gender
inequality has gradually extended to gen-
eral social life and the authors cite the
example of the following joke to reflect
prevalent attitudes. "Why do women use
both hands to wash their face and men
only one?" The answer is, "Because
women have two lords, singabonga and
their husbands."
As yet, women in these tribes have not
been completely devalued. The alienation
of women's labour within the family is
still partial, owing to the continuation of
forms of communal property in land, the
importance of gathering, and women's
control over consumption and income.
However, further development along the
same patriarchal lines, the introduction of
capitalism, and the rapid destruction of
natural resources in the Jharkhand region
would destroy the existing rights of the
adivasi women and result in a situation no
different from that which comes about in
"mainstream" society. The authors con-
clude that if the ecological balance of the
region is to be maintained and the patriar-
chal intent checked, then economic and
other activities have to be organized on
the basis of the community, and land
rights given to individual women, as well
as men, through allocation of means of
production.
WESTERN WOMEN
AND IMPERIALISM:
COMPLICITY AND
RESISTANCE
Edited by Nupur Chaudhuri and
Margaret Strobel. Indiana: Indiana
University Press, 1992
by Davina Bhandar
Western Women and Imperialism: Com-
plicity and Resistance, edited by Nupur
Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel, is a di-
verse collection of essays detailing the
102 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAlITERS DE LA FEMME


The Inner Courtyard

Jahangir, Asma

L'article porte sur le viol et la violence
sexuelle au Pa/dstan. Il cite des exemples
de diversesformes d' agressions sexuelles
et parle de la reaction de autoritesface a
cephenomene.La legislationpa/dstanaise
protege mallesfemmes contre la violence
sexuelle et elles risquent d' etre punies en
casd'adultere,amoinsdeprouverqu' elles
ont ere victimes de violence.
From the barbaric cruelty ofgang-rape or
incest, to the forcible sexual intercourse
that is common to many marriages, rape
in Pakistan takes on many forms. Other
more subtle variations of this crime are
not even taken into consideration because
ofexisting social mores. A woman forced
into an unwanted marriage may live
through repeated, life-long rape without
ever recognizing it as such. Very often,
society puts its disadvantaged members
intoa socio-economic position where they
are forced to sell their own bodies, or the
bodies of their loved ones, to unscrupu-
lous individuals who exploit their wretch-
edness. Witness the child marriages of
South Indian girls to Arab customers, or
the large number of child brides given
away to old men. This is, in fact, a form of
legalized rape.
The motives for rape are as varied as its
manifestations in society. Throughouthis-
tory, victorious armies have imposed or
subjected their vanquished to rape; de-
feated armies on the run have raped native
women or spouses or relatives of their
enemies out of desperation; as a form of
vendetta, rape is often used in our part of
the world to settle political scores. If an
opponent is to be humiliated, his female
relativesareraped. In victory, slavewomen
have commonly been distributed to men
as part of the celebrations.
A well-known phenomenon is feudal or
tribal rivalry. The women relatives of
warring tribes are sexually assaulted to
humiliate the men of their biradaris. If
and when a truce is arranged, among other
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
The Many
Faces of
Rape
By Asma Jahangir
peace offerings is the exchange ofwomen
in marriage. These women are then ex-
pected to put aside life-long prejudices
and go along with the decisions made by
the men who rule their lives.
Despite the frequency with which the
crime is committed, rape has never re-
ceived the public attention it deserves. In
fact, notonly is rape a crime that is under-
reported, it is probably one with the low-
est rate of conviction. Legal decisions in
rape trials follow no discernible pattern.
While some judges convict the accused,
even without a medical report to corrobo-
rate the victim's assertions, others con-
sider it vital for prosecution. And defama-
tory remarks about the victim's character
are common during rape trials. Rape is
perhaps the only crime where the onus of
proving her innocence is on the victim.
The taboo that surrounds sexual crimes as
well means that a woman is likely to incite
the wrath of her family and community if
she makes the crime publicly known in
order to seek justice.
Incest
In 1985, an eight year-old girl, Anjum
Noreen, was raped by her father. As the
victim's mother was dead, she confided in
herbrother, who persuaded her to speak to
an uncle. Anjum Noreen was bleeding.
The medical report fully supported the
child's allegation. The trial court con-
victed the father, but on appeal, the case
was remanded for a new trial. Meanwhile,
the victim and her brother were kept at the
SOS Village, Lahore. Despite a great deal
of pressure, the children testified against
their father.
At the second trial, the father was con-
victed again. On appeal to the Federal
Shariat Court, however, the accused was
acquitted. The court suggested that per-
haps the mother's relatives had injured
the child in order to obtain a positive
medical report to support their allega-
tions. It did not seem to occur to the court
that if a child was deliberately hurt by
someone, she would never testify on their
behalf. The court also showed a great deal
ofhesitation in accepting that incest could
take place in a society such as ours. Hav-
ing acquitted the accused, the court put
two minors at risk ofbeing taken by their
father and being taught the lesson of their
lives.
Both Noreen and her brother continue
to live at SOS Village, Lahore. They are
terrified of one day being taken away by
their father. Open-ended judgements like
the one handed out in the Anjum Noreen
case put the life of the victims in peril,
instead of bringing the criminals to jus-
tice.
Rape in custody
Rape in police custody is a common
occurrence in Pakistan. Ever since the
Hudood Ordinances were enforced, mak-
ing zina (adultery) a criminal offence,
hundreds of women are taken daily into
police custody. It is estimated that almost
80 per cent of these women are sexually
assaulted while in custody. Research on
women prisoners has revealed that most
women do not admit to having been as-
saulted.
Mukhtar Bibi was taken into police
custody on her stepmother's allegation
that she had eloped with a cousin. She
had, in fact, married her cousin a few days
prior to her arrest, against the wishes of
her stepmother.
Mukhtar was first pressured by the po-
lice to give a statement saying that he had
been forced to sign a nikahnama by her
husband and that he had abducted her.
When she refused, a policeman sexually
33
The taboo that surrounds sexual crimes means that a woman is
likely to incite the wrath ofherfamily if she makes the crime
publicly known to seek justice.
abused her. He warned her that if she did
not tell his version of the story to the
magistrate the next day, he would rape
her.
The policeman sexually abused
Mukhtar all that night. The next morning,
Mukhtar was broughtbefore a magistrate.
At onepoint, while sitting in the court, the
policeman grinnedat her. Mukhtarrecalls
that she felt the impulse to grab the pistol
in his belt and shoot him. She was afraid
of doing so only because she had never
used a pistol before and would likely miss
her target. Wisely, Mukhtar pretended to
have lost her mind when the magistrate
called for her. She was ordered to be kept
at Darnl Aman, a women's shelter, in
Lahore. What Mukhtar did not realize
was that she would have to travel from
Sheikhupura to Lahore in the company of
the same policeman.
During the four-hour journey to La-
hore, Mukhtar was raped in the police
van. Mukhtar confided in her lawyers
because she could not trust her relatives.
She was afraid of being divorced and
abandoned by her family. At the time of
her next hearing, however, Mukhtar's es-
cort was changed and she was accompa-
nied on her journey to Sheikhupura by a
policewoman, as well as a different male
constable. Her lawyers drove behind the
police van. The new male escort drew the
shutters of the police van and put his hand
inside Mukhtar's shirt, while the lawyers
looked on helplessly.
Even where women have reported rape
in police custody, the resulthas onIyadded
to their frustration. Ahmedi Begwn, who
is over 60 years of age, and two other
women were picked up by the police of
Nawan Kot, Lahore. The two younger
women were gang-raped, while objects
were inserted into Ahmedi' s body.
Ahmedi tried to cover her eyes, but she
was forced to watch her companions be-
ing raped by a number of policemen.
The next morning, the police fIled a
case of zina against all three women,
alleging that they were running a brothel.
The women were then sent to KotLakhpat
Jail, Lahore. They were bleeding, unable
to walk, and had several indications of
injuries on their bodies. An official visitor
to the jail noticed the agony of the women
and was told of their nightmare. A report
was made to the authorities by the jail
superintendentand an inquiry was heldby
the Assistant Commissioner, Lahore. As
Kot Lakhpat Jail has no female doctor on
the premises, the women could not be
medically examined at the time. How-
ever, the female superintendent of the jail
testified that the women were bleeding
and had bruises on their thighs, buttocks,
and backs. Even ten days after the inci-
dent when they were finally given a medi-
cal examination, their injuries had not
healed.
After a thorough inquiry into the inci-
dent, the AssistantCommissionerreported
that the women had been gang-raped in
the most brutal manner. The policemen
were transferred and subsequently acquit-
ted.
Ahmedi and her companions, mean-
while, spent three years defending them-
selves against charges of zina. The state,
which was prosecuting the policemen,
did not hear the victims' testimony at the
trial. The three women were unwilling to
fIle private complaints, as they wereregu-
larly threatened by the police and told to
close the matter. Eventually, the victims
were grateful to have escaped punishment
for zina, and they lostall hope ofreceiving
justice.
Marital rape
Raping one's own wife is not consid-
ered a crime in Pakistan. After the Of-
fence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood)
Ordinance, 1979 came into effect, the
laws on rape changed in Pakistan, repeal-
ing punishment for the rape of a wife.
It is common in our country to perform
the nikah (marriage ceremony) and ar-
range the rukhsati (giving away) of the
bride at a later stage. Bina, aged thirteen,
was married to Muhammad Jabbar. Fol-
lowing the marriage, however, the two
families quarrelled. Bina's parents refused
to give away the bride and fIled for a
dissolution ofthemarriageatKasur. Mean-
while, Muhammad Jabbar, with his male
relatives, abducted Bina. She was locked
in a room and raped repeatedly by her
husband. In the morning, Bina was re-
turned to her parents. Muhammad Jabbar
could not be punished under the law be-
cause he was married to the victim.
Rape as revenge
Pre-meditated rapes are also frequent in
rural areas, where rival groups assault the
female relatives of their opponents in or-
der to humiliate them. In Jalalpur
Piranwala,nearMultan,apregnantwoman
was gang-raped. The alleged rapists bore
no enmity towards the woman. Their
grudge was with the brother-in-law of the
victim. Parading the victims ofNawabpur
naked in the streets is another inhwnan
way of taking revenge. In Macharanwali,
a girl was gang-raped forrefusing tomarry
her suitor.
Political rape
Local rivalries have gradually extended
to include the political victimization of
women. Khurshid Begum and Veena
Hayat have both alleged that they were
raped because of their political affilia-
tions. Thejudicial system has so far proved
ineffectual in providing justice to the vic-
34 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME
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tims. The reaction of the administration
has been callous.
The fIrst reaction of the accused to the
charges of Ms Hayat was to attack her
character. A tribunal was set up to look
into the incident. The tribunal noted con-
tradictions in the investigation and the
hesitation of the police to disclose all the
facts. And since the victim had not been
brought before the tribunal, no defInite
conclusions were drawn--except to ex-
0nerate the accused. It appears, then, that
the tribunal was set up for this very pur-
pose.
Women's groups have predicted, time
and time again, that instances of rape are
bound to increase in Pakistan. In this
country, the law is heavily biased in fa-
vour of the accused. Moreover, the legal
defInition of rape does not take into ac-
count its various forms and categories. A
victim of rape is caught in a dilemma: if
she complains of rape, she has to have a
water-tight case, or she in turn can be
accused of zina. Zina includes all forms
ofextramarital sex which, after the prom-
ulgation of the Offence ofZina (Enforce-
ment of Hudood) Ordinances, 1979, is
punishable by imprisonment and whip-
ping. Ifa woman who has been raped fails
to report the crime she may be arrested for
zina in any case, if the crime is discov-
ered. There havebeen several cases where
a victim has remained silent until she
discovers that she is pregnant. Her silence
has then been construed as consent, and
she has been arrested on charges of zina.
Two such cases are those of Safia Bibi, a
blind girl, and a thirteen year-old child,
Jehan Mina. Safia Bibi was fortunate
enough to be acquitted by the appellate
court. But Jehan Mina had to suffer im-
prisonment and received lashes.
The weaknessofthe law, the corruption
of the investigating agencies, the callous-
ness of the government, the social stigma
attached to rape, and the under-privileged
status of women in Pakistan are bound to
lead to increasing level violence against
them. And following the Veena Hayat
incident, the government has lost face and
can no longer, with any authority, deal
with offIcials who rape women in their
custody.
The original version ofthis article ap-
peared in The Herald Annual in January
1992.
POS 3252 • Serkeley, CA 94703 • USA
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1 35


The Many Faces of Rape

Lequin, Lucie

De travail et d'espoir. Des groupes de femmes racontent le féminisme

Qureshi, Kish

Living
as
~Other'
By Kish Qureshi
Cet articlefait une retrospective de ce que l' auteure croit etre les
difficultes et les pressions auxquelles font face les jeunes eleves
dans lesfamilles indiennesau Canada. L'auteure a da surmonter
des sentiments de deplacement et de solitude avant d' accepter sa
difficile situation. Elle passe en revue certains des incidents
indicatifs de ces pressions.
Sometimes I wonder when the precise moment is that a woman
realizes she is different and that she will have to be twice as
patient, twice as strong, and much more tolerant than her male
colleagues. And then it occurs to me that the discrimination and
isolation felt by a woman is doubled and tripled depending on her
place of origin and positioning in society. I've decided that it is
unique for every woman-her life experience may be similar to
another woman's, but it is never quite the same. Indeed, the pain
she suffers is much like another woman's pain-but differs if
only because she feels it.
Growing up, I knew that I was not like the other children. At a
very young age, I began to understand that in my city and my
country, people celebrated religious holidays that were not a part
of my household. I vaguely remember questioning my parents
about it (obviously before children are taught not to question the
things around them), and realizing that such rituals were not only
absent from my life, but were not to be discussed.
So I listened to the stories of the morning after the Christmas
gifts, Easter egg hunts and turkey dinners. And I remember this:
I felt small pangs of jealousy, but mostly just curiosity-a
curiosity that I could not curb because I was never to bring up the
subject.
When I grew older, the experiences worsened and my life, at
times, became unbearable. It was one thing to wonder about the
strange rituals my friends and their families partook in, but it was
definitely another to be excluded from the social activities. My
room became a cell and my parent's house a prison.
Looking back, I came to understand that my parents felt that I
would be tainted in some way if I were to allow myself to
associate with the Canadian children. Anglo-Saxon, Black, ltal-
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
Sharon Fernandez. Untitted. 1991./nkon Paper
ian, German or Spanish made no difference; they were Canadian
and they were an unwanted, unclean, corrupt influence that I was
to be protected from. It was then that I began to feel like the
"displaced person" I was accused ofbeing. It was only much later
that I began to save myself from those feelings.
I covered up my discomfort by giving excuses and explana-
tions to my schoolmates. At times, it was a chore because I just
wanted them to understand and not be so curious about exactly
why I couldn't attend or what was the big deal about being in a
school play or going to a dance. At other times, I would cover up
my situation by making up some phony reason about why I
couldn'tparticipate, and those were the times when I felt ashamed.
If! had nothing to fear from these people, then what were they so
afraid of? I began to understand that there was nothing but fear
and dislike behind their reasoning and no substantial basis for
their distrust. The more incidents that occurred, the clearer it
became to me that the paranoia behind the closed fist and harsh
words was the real enemy. My anger, however, made me strike
out at them, and as a result, despise the only people who truly
mattered to me.
I was eleven years old when I had my first period. Interestingly
enough, I was also on the first and only trip I had ever been on,
visiting my "aunt's" house in Toronto. A friend I had met on the
trip helped mebreak the news to my aunt (actually, she helped me
spell it out since neither one of us could actually say the word).
My aunt told my father. This was something we never discussed:
my femininity, my sexuality. It was the most frightening part of
me to him, the part he could not put a stop to, the part he could not
control.
Of every other aspect of my life he was in charge. Decisions,
11
even if I did not go to him, were made by
him. The constant influence he had over
my life was overwhelming and was in-
deed the partofmyselfthat I detested. I let
him exert power over my decisions and
eventually, over my whole life. The pun-
ishments, physical andpsychological,only
became worse as I moved beyond puberty
and into adolescence and adulthood. My
sexuality was an immense threat, like a
giant beast who would devour me and
shame him if! allowed myself to give in
to it.
As such, wanting to live my life apart
from the confines ofthe house became my
only desire, one that fueled my ambition
and kept me sane. As I continued to learn
about the things around me, I came to
understand the reality of my situation and
more importantly, the idealistic notions
that I had lived by. I believed that some-
day, I could leave this all behind and that
my family would just be a confused and
muggy partofmy past, notsomething that
would affectme for the rest ofmy life. The
spouses and the children that were to
come from my brothers' marriages were
to be ignored as I lived on in peace without
a backward glance to my childhood. Soon
enough, however, I knew that as hard as I
tried, this would neverbe the case; I didn't
count on caring about the wives and chil-
dren, and I certainly didn't count on for-
giving my father.
I realized that as far away as I went, I
could never stop caring about the people
who surrounded me with their concern,
even as it became more harmful to me.
Their consideration and their version of
the "best things" for me left me angry and
alone. I knew then that whatever decision
I made to live my own life would be
rejected by them and that I would be
striving for happiness without their sup-
port.
In retrospect, I cannot truthfully say
that I am aware of just how this upbring-
ing or the conflict in cultures has affected
me. I was told by my father that I should
not trust Canadians, especially not Cana-
dian men, who, ifgiven the chance, would
corrupt me beyond redemption (always
assuming that I could not think for my-
self). However, my Canadian friends, the
ones who listened to my problems and
tried to understand the sorrow, made me
believe that my father was wrong. It took
a very long time for me to believe them or
my own mind: how could the most pow-
erful man in my lifebe wrong? How could
I believe that it was hypocrisy and fear
that made him give me such harmful ad-
vice?
Without knowing how confused it
would make me, he tried to protect me
from this society, when what I desper-
ately needed was the strength to face the
inequities that I knew I would one day
have to confront. If I knew what I was up
against, I could fight and try to succeed; if
I was ignorant and naive, I would only
turn out to be what they thought I should
be: another illiterate foreigner.
So I educated myself. Taught myself
that there were no barriers to either my
success or my happiness. I rebelled in the
only way I could; by arming myself with
My sexuality
was an
immense threat,
like a giant beast
who would
devour me
ifI allowed myself
to give into it.
the only important tools that I needed: the
knowledge that I was able to accomplish
everything that crossed my mind, and the
education that was a base and a support
for my convictions. Slowly, I began to
trust my own mind.
Toward the end of high school, I began
to understand that I was not only a woman
and a member of a visible minority, but
that I was also a victim of my own fear. If
my father succeeded at nothing else, he
did succeed at making me a prisoner of
my own desires. Even if! wanted to break
free from the mould, my mind would not
allow it. I was afraid of the consequences
that could result in his anger. His anger
was the threat and my complacency was
what warded it off.
The horrible, traumatic moments when
I approached the front door knowing that
I was late (by his defmition and not mine),
made coming home a dreadful occurrence
that took place every time I attempted to
join in the activities of my friends. The
front door became a dreaded sight that
often meant punishment in some way. At
first, the punishment was physical, but
later it was a different kind of attack. My
father never was an affectionate man and
hecertainly nevershowed love; so he took
away the one thing he could: mypresence.
He would carry on and pretend I did not
exist. Nothing could have been worse.
This becamea pattern in my life. Some-
thing would trigger his denial ofmy exist-
ence and the next time I deviated, it would
re-occur. I always found it fascinating
how people adjust to their surroundings,
even though it would seem absurd to an
outsider. I began to know my ghosts, my
fears and my limitations when I should
have been exploring my options in life
without so much resistance.
So when the time came for me to move
on to university, I expected some kind of
transformation in their way of thinking.
Surely, they would be proud of my suc-
cess, wish me well and support me. After
all, I was accepted at the University of
Toronto and Carleton University, and I
had graduated from high school with good
marks. Hadn't I proved my maturity? Was
it so wrong to believe that they would trust
me to move away to attend school and
receive the best teaching in my chosen
field?
I will never forget the day I approached
my father with my OSAP application and
acceptance letter from University of To-
ronto. He took it out of my hand and read
it Then he threw it back in my face.
Literally. He told me that the only univer-
sity I was attending was one in Ottawa,
where I could live at home until I was to be
married. He said that he would not sign
the OSAP application unless I changed the
university to Carleton or Ottawa.
In that one moment I felt all the pain, all
the tears and all the mind-numbing hurt
raging through my body for all the years
of refusals. I watched him sit there and
look out the window, away from me, and
I hated him. Never again have I felt such
hate for another human being. Because I
knew that what I was asking for was not
wrong; I was asking to enhance the most
precious partofmy being: my mind. As he
12 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME
was denying me that, I could no longer
fool myself into believing that he would
change in any way or allow me to uncover
my own potential.
Once again, I was on my own. I went to
Carleton University and graduated from a
three-year Film Theory degree in April of
this year. As I had prayed for, I found my
life's desire and career, and I strive to
attain my goal to become a filmmaker.
I've also decided that little by little, I will
work to tell this story and other stories like
it by women who have experienced the
same double discrimination and denial.
Even as I sit here, still looking forward
to the day when I will be established
enough to be on my own, I know that the
fmal decision to do so is notone fuelled by
anger, but by a natural progression in
which I have come to terms with my
feelings and the reality of my options.
What I hope to accomplish will take time
and a tremendous amount of effort, but I
doubt that I will ever give up.
If anyone is capable of patience and
perseverance, it's women like us, who can
come out the other end with both feet on
the ground.
Kish Qureshi hasjust completed a 3-year
Film Studies degree at Carleton Univer-
sity. Her goal is to become a scriptwriter
andfilmmaker, concentrating on provid-
ing a voice for women ofvisible minori-
ties living a double-cultured lifestyle in
Canada.
CORRECTIONS
In our Summer 1992 issue
Women in Poverty, Kim Fraser'~
article entitled "Trading Abuse for
Poverty" contained a several incor-
rectly attributed references. In the
text of the article, all references to
"The National" should be attributed
toBalance thePower, a background
report to the 1990 lobby of the On-
tario Association of Interval and
Transition Houses (OAml).
CWS/cfapologizes for this error.
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
NILAMBRI GHAI
My Daughter
There were no gifts offered when I was born
No bl.essings called upon, no hymns sung.
My bIrth was a secret, veiled and hidden
under the commiseration of friends.
Perhaps because, almost too naked, my form,
too easily betrayed, too vulnerable,
lacked well wishers-
or else, my womb, too easily exposed,
could not conceal the end-signs of pleasure-
or else my tears, too ready to flow,
made me fit only for stone altars in cold temples-
or else, I was not clean with each moon, and could
only be accursed for that time-
or else, I was not to be, but came along,
somehow, no matter what,
to tempt, to tease, to seduce, to nurse,
to feed, to please, but not to live.
Soon, I became a shadow, and grew
to love my own dark profile,
and watched
till another shadow appeared-
one who held my hand across the dark,
and cried, "My mother has a Mind!".
!!ilambri Ghai is from .Ind.ia. She teaches functional literacy to adults
In Montreal and IS actIve In community women's groups and the
theatre.
CALL FOR
CONTRIBUTIONS
For An Anthology of writings of
women of South Asian origin
(Short Fiction, poetry and artwork)
For more information, contact:
Fauzia Rafiq at DIVA
427 Bloor Street West
Toronto, ON M5S 1X7
Tel. (416) 778-6945
Deadline: December 31,1992
13


Living as 'Other'

The present study examined whether behavioural changes made by women students who experienced stalking on campus restricted their access to university resources and facilities. A diverse sample of two hundred and fifty-five university women with experiences of stalking, including racialized women, women with disabilities and members of sexual minorities, completed an online survey and asked if they had made changes to their behaviour on campus in order to feel safer or more secure and to describe those changes. Using phenomenological thematic analysis and a feminist theory framework of understanding stalking behaviour, themes and subthemes relevant to the research questions were generated. Thematic analysis of participant’s responses yielded five themes based on changes in behaviours or attitudes identified by students: restrictions in campus movements, increased vigilance, changes in social engagement, changes in academic engagement, and use of health/support services. Women self-identifying with a disability were more likely to report changing their behaviour on campus to feel safer and more comfortable following stalking victimization compared to individuals without disabilities

Stermac, Lana

Cripps, Jenna

Badali, Veronica

Women’s Experiences of Stalking on Campus: Behaviour Changes and Access to University Resources

Mehta, Usha

Thakkar, Usha

The Anti-Price-Rise
Movement in Bombay
By Usha Mehta and Usha Thakkar
Sharon Fernandez, Untitled, 1991, Ink on Paper
Le soulevement de 1972 contre la hausse des prixen!nde hait un
mouvement de protestation unique et sans precedent lance pour
reparer les torts causes au peuple en general et auxfemmes en
particulier. Cette revolte spontaneedesfemmesdeBombayapris
des mesures concretes etmobilisedesparticipantespourrealiser
son objecti[ Meme si ce mouvement n'etait pas motive par une
ideologie particuliere, il visait cl promouvoir le bien-etre de la
population en s'opposant cl une politique gouvernementale
inequitable.
When an economic crisis arises, women become the first victims.
In 1972 in Bombay, women's tolerance had reached the breaking
point. On August 6, 1972, in response to the situation, Bharatiya
MahilaFederation-a leading all-India women's organization-
called a meeting of all parties and independents. Meenakshi
Sane-President of the organization, fervently appealed to the
people, and especially to women, to co-operate with the Federa-
tion in fighting the monster of rising prices. The meeting called
upon the government to adopt rationing for essential commodi-
ties. It was pointed out that what was happening was contrary to
the much publicizedGaribiHatao (RemovePoverty) programme
of the ruling party.
After about a month's time, on September 13, 1972, repre-
sentatives of about 70 wom-
en's organizations came to-
gether and formed the
Mahagai Pratikar Samyutka
Samiti-The Anti-Price Rise
Women's United Front-to
fight rising prices, and also to
bring prices down. Women
were invited to join the front
not as members of any politi-
cal party, but as women and as
members of women's organi-
zations.Women from allwalks
of life: housewives and work-
ing women, domestic servants
andmill-workers, teachers and
students, social workers and
political leaders ralliedaround
the common cause.
Though the immediate aim
of the movement, as stated by
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
its President Mrinal Gore, was to make essential commodities
available and bring down the prices by bringing pressure on the
government, the ultimate aim was to organize a powerful wom-
en's movement as had been done in Japan. As she observed,
"Anti-price rise movement is not an end in itself. It is my dream
to build up a strong women's movement through it"
Many and varied were the techniques adopted for the move-
ment From peaceful meetings and conferences to dharnas (sit-
ins), deputations to Ministers and heads of big companies,
ghearaos (surrounding a person by fonning a human chain) and
bandhs (stoppages), many ingenious and innovative tactics which
excited the participants and evoked public sympathy were tried
successfully.
Several public meetings and conferences were held atdifferent
places in the city during the movement. Women from all classes
and localities, of different age groups and interest groups at-
tended the meetings in the thousands. In mostof them, the leaders
of the front exhorted women not to slacken their efforts and to be
prepared for a long and arduous struggle.
Resolutions suggesting various measures such as passing a law
on price ceilings, on the distribution of land among the landless,
collection of tax from tax evaders, reduction in indirect taxes,
banishment of corrupt officers and ministers, strict implementa-
tion ofthe lawsalready passed,
and others, were adopted. The
Government was warned of
dire consequences if these
were not carried out and if the
fraud committed against the
people was not stopped forth-
with.
On October 5,1972, a large
demonstration was organized
in the heart of the city. The
majority of the demonstrators
were from the working class
and they not only travelled
long distances to participate
in the dharna, but also lost
their day's wages. This was
the first part of the protest.
Demonstrations continued
for the next three years. They
wereorganizedon a large scale
85
and involved persons from different sec-
tors ofsociety. Again, demonstrators from
the working class often travelled long
distances to participate in them and were
not concerned about losing their day's
wages.
With the increase in the price of milk in
1973, the agitation gathered new momen-
tum. Undeterred by threats and wamings,
women entered the Aarey Milk Colony (a
government undertaking) and stopped
three trucks from leaving. They accused
the government of progressively reduc-
ing the fat content in the milk with a view
to selling low fat milk at a higher price.
The Agricultural Minister was gheraoed
in his Chamber on the 17th of January
1973 for more than four hours by 30
women who demanded a reduction in the
price of milk. They also demanded the
resignation of the Minister, who accord-
ing to them, was in league with the afflu-
ent sectors of society.
On the 12th of February, 1973, women
were heard shouting slogans on the roads
like "Reduce the prices or resign",
"Cheaperliquordearermilk-Naik(Chief
Minister) Government shame, shame."
Later, the leaders of the procession sub-
mitted a memorandum to the Speaker of
the Legislative Assembly protesting the
"unbecoming, ungraceful and anti-Social-
ist policy of the government" of letting
prices rise.
The agitation outside was matched by
stormy scenes inside the Maharashtra
Assembly in March 1973 when the house
discussed an opposition-sponsored mo-
tion regarding the detection of dhatura
(seeds with narcotic properties) in im-
ported milo (sorghum). Mrinal Gore, the
President of the Front. questioned the
government on the issue. Again, in May
1973, she showed the government a sam-
ple of rice containing iron filings bought
from a ration-shop in the city. As a result
of this move, nearly 400 tons of rice were
withdrawn from the city's ration shops.
Throughout, women showed not only
their courage and self-confidence but also
their ingenuity and innovativeness. Apart
from the use of traditional methods of
protest like morchas (protest marches),
demonstrationsandgheraos, they invented
novel methods and symbols to express
their feelings of anger, thus proving that
women can become effective revolution-
aries.
In February 1974, a thali (plate)-beat-
ing programme was organized simultane-
ously at more than 1,000 places in the city.
At 10:00 p.m. sharp, women beat thalis
with rolling pins. The sound of the music
continued for half an hour. This was a
warning bell-Ishara Ghanta----for the
government and a call to the people not to
suffer the injustice of the government. but
to awaken,ariseandjoin the protestmove-
ment With a view to focussing the atten-
tion of the people and the government on
acute shortages ofkerosene, on August 1,
1974, women saw to it that the Sachivalya
(Government Secretariat) corridors vi-
brated with the sound of clanging empty
kerosene tins, which they beat with roll-
ing-pins and small sticks.
In April, 1974, the effigies of Chief
Minister Naik and Food and Civil Sup-
plies Minister Vartak were the focus of a
Kachara-tula (weighing in dirt) ceremony
which attracted the attention of the media.
On 11th September 1974, more than
8,000 women of all sectors of society
including, Hindu, Muslim and Christian
women,joined the historic protestmorcha
wearing badges depictinga woman's hand
holding a rolling pin and enthusiastically
shouting slogans like ''Tell Naik, rolling
pins are here", "Nahi Chalegi, Nahi
Chalegi, Yeh Sar/car Nahi Chalegi" (This
Government cannot last), "PavDo Gehu
Do,NahiToGadiChhodDo" (Givebread,
give wheat or else quit). This massive
demonstration was a feather in the cap of
the women's front and proved to be a
severe headache for the traffic police and
the government.
In April 1975, several thousand farm-
labourers and tribals from different parts
of Maharashtra marched with Bombay's
housewives and industrial workers to the
Legislature Building to demand the resto-
ration of forest land to tribals and a ration
ofseven kg. ofgrainperpersonpermonth.
The demonstrations attracted the atten-
tion of the general public and evoked
sympathy from all quarters. The agitation
had resonance in otherparts of the state of
Maharashtra, including Poona, Nagpur,
Dhulia, Pusad, Aurangabad, Jalna,
Amravati, and Yeotmal. Also, the leaders
were successful in obtaining assurances
from the ministers concerned regarding
better food distribution. Again, officers
were sent to different places to find out
whether the complaints made by front
members regarding the supply of inferior
quality grains were true.
Though it is true that the anti-price rise
movement could not accomplish all that it
had intended, and that it ended with the
Declaration of Emergency in 1975 at a
national level, resulting in the consequent
imprisonment of many leaders, there are
many distinct achievements to its credit.
The movement was spontaneous, open,
and democratic. Itwas organizedbywom-
en's organizations and women belonging
to different political parties. It created a
senseofsolidaritybetween women, which
was unique. There was cohesion among
the various groups that started the move-
ment, and the motivation of the partici-
pants was more emotional and focussed
than is the case with undirected move-
ments.
All the accepted leaders from the differ-
ent groups and political parties were com-
mitted, vocal, prepared with facts and
figures, and resourceful. Also, the move-
ment caused several new and young lead-
ers to come forward.
The programmes adopted by the Front
were always peaceful but colourful. The
tactics they adopted were innovative and
imaginative, the slogans were catchy and
original, and the symbols apt and attrac-
tive.
Another major achievement was that it
contributed to the shaping ofpublic opin-
ion. The effortsofthe women's front were
given good media coverage, not only by
women's magazines, but also by other
papers and journals in English, Marathi
and Gujarati.
There were, however, certain major
drawbacks. It is an irony that one of the
strongpointsofthe movement-thebring-
ing together of women from different
parties-became its major weakness.
Though initially all differences were for-
gotten, eventually they came to the fore
and dealt a severe blow to the movement.
Coupled with personal rivalries and
clashes of personalities, the death-knell
was sounded. Those who were comrades-
in-arms in the beginning began to accuse
each other of using the front to serve the
ends of their respective parties. The fact
that the movement was essentially issue-
based and not ideology oriented also pre-
vented it from taking deeper root. Ini-
tially, seeds were sown for a dynamic yet
non-violent movement, but it could not
86 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIES/LES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME
sustain the momentum.
The successofmovements like the anti-
price rise movement cannot be measured
in statistical tenns. The fact that women
from differentgroups and political parties
have come together to fonn many wom-
en's organizations after 1975 attests to the
fact that the work done by the United
Women's Front in 1972 was not com-
pletely wasted. Moreover, the movement
did succeed in exploding the myth that
women, becauseoftheir social condition-
ing, do not participate in or reflect on
politics as men do. In fact, the women
actually widened the narrow meaning of
politics.
In a country like India, which is both
traditional and modem, a movement like
the anti-price rise movement is important.
In this case, the women derived strength
from their traditional roles in the private
world, and used it effectively in the public
world.
Authors' Note: The materialfor this arti-
cle is drawn from newspapers-Times of
India, Indian Express (English),
Maharashatra Times and Lok Satta
(Marathi)--as well as interviews with
some leaders of the movement.
Dr. UshaMehta is the retired Head ofthe
DepartmentofCivicsandPoliticsatBom-
bay University. She is an active member
of numerous civil liberties, educational
and literary organizations. She has writ-
ten several books and articles.
Dr. Usha Thakkar is Head ofthe Depart-
ment of Politics at the SNDT Women's
University in Bombay. She has partici-
pated in a number of educational semi-
nars at national and international levels
and she has written a column for the
Gujurati newspaper Pravasi since 1989.
VOLUME 13, NUMBER 1
'* LI N 1\ t R SIT t
.~~\YORK·,·"."o."~ L NI\' t R SIT Y Toronto, Canada
-- --- -----
FACULTY OF ARTS
Department of Political Science
Applications are invited for one tenure-track position at the Assistant Professor
level to be filled in either A) Japanese politics, with a preference for a specialization
in domestic and international political economy; or B) the Politics of Post-Soviet
Successor States, with a preference for a specialist in Russian politics. The
successful applicant will have the ability to teach general courses in Comparative
Politics.
Requirements: Ph.D or equivalent; fluency in the appropriate language; demon-
strated research and teaching abilities and demonstrated publication abilities.
Salary: Commensurate with qualifications.
Applicants should send a curriculum vitae, appropriate samplesoftheirscholarship,
teaching evaluations, and arrange to have three letters ofreference sent to: Professor
L. Panitch, Chair, Department of Political Science, Room S669 Ross Building,
York University, 4700 Keele Street, North York, Ontario, Canada, M3J IP3. This
appointment is subject to budgetary approval. York University is implementing a
policy of employment equity, including affinnative action for women faculty. In
accordance with Canadian immigration requirements, this advertisement is di-
rected to Canadian citizens and pennanent residents of Canada. Deadline for
applications: February 1, 1993.
CALL FOR PAPERS
The GASAT (Gender and Science and Technology) Association is seeking papers
forits first Canadian conferenceJuly 31 to August 5, 1993. The conference is being
organised by the Ontario Women's Directorate and will be held at the University
of Waterloo in Waterloo, Ontario.
GASAT provides a forum for individuals and organizations concerned about the
inclusion of girls and women in the world of science and technology, from early
childhood to work environments.
This conference will focus on recruitment and retention of girls and women in
science, engineering and technology; developing a feminist perspective on sci-
ence that recognizes the diversity of experiences of women, girls and indigenous
peoples; creating a more inviting climate for work and study and developing
strategies for change; and gender-sensitive science, engineering and technology
curricula.
All attendees participate in the proceedings by making a contribution, whether it
be a formal paper, leading or contributing to a symposium, conducting a work-
shop or convening a round-table discussion. Contributions resulting from inter-
national networking are encouraged.
For more information on this conference or membership in the GASAT
Association, contact: Ann Holmes, Conference Chair, Ontario Women's
Directorate,48O University Ave., 2nd floor, Toronto, Ontario M5G IV2
Tel. (416) 597-4587 Fax (416) 597-4594
87


The Anti-Price-Rise Movement in Bombay

Ramachandran, Sujata

The Silenced Minority: Sex Ratio and the Status of Women in India

Spencer, Jacqui

VOLUME 32, NUMBERS 1,2 77
JACQUI ISPENCER
I Am the Light
Our crowns tarnished and forgotten
Hearts yearning for something
And gaining nothing
Heavy are our hearts
Our spirits wanting to be heard
But trapped
I am the light
Liberation from bondage
Institutionally
Hierarchically 
Ancestrally
Intersectionally
From behind black bars
We are shackled to nightmarish and embedded 
prisms
Untangling the Black identity
Challenging the ties that bind
We gain power
We gain strength
We are the vision
Visons of the future
Past 
And present
I am the light
I am the keeper of secrets
The mirror of injustice
The eyes of a people
I am the shadows in the night
The fears of continued fight
The tears shed out of sight
I am the light
Tormented with anguish unending
Cheated of manifestations of glory
Angry and unworthy yet…
I am the light
Never to be undone
Refusing to be tossed away
Rising as the ancestral spiritual flames
I am resilient
I am unyielding 
I will out run
I will outlast
I will BE
Because…
I am the light
Jacqui Spencer is an advocate for the betterment of the lives 
of the marginalized. A mother, and Social Justice Education 
doctoral student at oise/ut , her focus is empowering Black 
women through her work and lived experiences.
In darkness we find ourselves
In light we breathe
The suffocation of oppression
The alienation of devotion
To a cause that does not reward
Yet we remain
It is the remnants of historical traumas
That sustains and drains our bodies
Black bodies
We live in the margins of history
Always waiting for our turn
Turning…spinning we fight
For survival
For voice
For entry
I am the light
How do we live with those that by skinship
Forget kinship?
Masking our pain of betrayal we   carry the weight
Too heavy for our minds and physical selves
It is torture
Terrorizing intellectually, physically and 
emotionally
Traumas unseen but felt
Felt so deep we cannot see the impact
On our minds
On each other
Spirits broken and bruised
Lives tattered and torn
We exist
Nomads from ancestral lands
We search
Attempting to find ourselves
Looking from the outside within
We do not draw strength
Our weary bones tired
Exhausted from the constant need to be seen
To be heard
To be understood
To be free
I am the light
Always questioning
We are seekers of truth
Our tongues punishable by the skin we are in  
Our hue bemoaning representations of fear
Otherness 
We accept our fate
Fruitless and endless
We fight
Systems created for destruction
Melanated kings and queens


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