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Watching the dead speak: the role of the audience, imagination, and belief in late modern spiritualism
No full textThe performances of everyday experience take place in a variety of other locations, domestic and corporate, urban and rural. Moreover, the role of the audience, and the individuals within it, is not constant across all performances, nor is it fixed within discrete performances: it has an inherent potential for fluidity. This article considers the author's experience of this fluidity as a member of a late-modern audience during two performances of psychic mediumship. It describes them, drawing on narration provided by the author's field notes, and analyses them through theoretical discourses, provided by the discipline of performance studies. It goes on to consider how post-modern, or for the purpose of this paper, late-modern audiences, are connected to their modern antecedents. The term ‘late-modern’ is used as opposed to ‘post-modern’, because the paper sets out to explore contemporary society’s ongoing continuity with its past, rather than its disjuncture. A late-modern focus suggests a society that is a development of what has gone before rather than a reaction against it—as one aspect of post-modern theory might propose. And, with this connection in mind, the paper explores a preoccupation attributed to modern society, an emergent sense of self-identity and self-consciousness that was synchronic with the ‘golden age’ of spiritualism (1880–1914). It considers this modern self-awareness in relationship to an examination of the role of the late-modern audience at contemporary demonstrations of psychic mediumship. It focuses on how the performance conditions of these events stimulate the audience’s imagination and beliefs and consequently affect their sense of self
Images as Messengers of Coptic Identity. An Example from Contemporary Egypt
No full textDuring the past thirty years the production of two-dimensional images designed to be used in religion has flourished in the Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt. After generations with little or negligible activity, enterprising ateliers can today be found all over the country.' Many of them are strategically placed in influential convents and monasteries and at important educational institutions. In this production of art, the Section of Coptic Art at the Higher Institute of Coptic Studies in Abbasiya in Cairo occupies a leading position. Under the direction of Professor Isaac Fanous Youssef the section is attempting to develop a Coptic iconography and style — which the Coptic Orthodox Church does not have. Images of Christ, Mary, and the saints are central in Coptic cultic life, but there is a traditional openness to all kinds of styles and the dominant ones are European and Byzantinesque, well-known in both Western and Eastern Christianity. Also other artists are engaged in developing an especially Coptic iconography and style, but Isaac Fanous and his pupils have received the greater attention and also have the support of official church authorities. The primary aim given for images in Coptic religion is that of being tools for communicating with and partaking of the Holy World.' The focus of this paper is on the usages and functions which the images have in Coptic life, in particular how they serve the construction of ethnic consciousness and cohesion of the Copts. Coptic identity is an important issue for the Copts. The images in question are included in a conscious effort to formulate and mediate who the Copts are. Through choice of themes, composition of motifs, and style, the images impart Coptic self-conception
The Relation between the two Phenomenological Categories Initiation and Sacrifice as Exemplified by the Norse Myth of Óðinn on the Tree
No full textMany articles have been devoted to the Old Norse myth which relates how Odin was hanging from a tree for nine nights without being offered food or drink. The question we are going to investigate here is, as mentioned, whether we are facing a sacrifice or an initiation. Both possibilities have been proposed, and some scholars have even believed that the strophes deal with an exemplary myth which has served directly as a model for some ritual
Stepping onto sacred ground: the mazar in Uyghur day-to-day life
No full textLike most Turkic peoples, the vast majority of the Uyghur people are Muslim and belong to the Sunni branch of Islam. Islam is a contributing factor in Uyghur identity and is manifested in daily life by a number of regulations on food, observation of religious holidays and life cycle celebrations. The point of departure here is to try to describe the ziyara as an integral part of Muslim life in the region. The mazarserves as an important reference point in the day-to-day life of the Uyghur people. Regardless of whether it is a local place of worship or a shrine that attracts pilgrims from a larger geographical area, it is a breathing space where one may escape the hardships of everyday life. At the mazar the people have a saint with whom they can identify and be inspired. The mazar is a venue in which both men and women participate—both as participants and as religious leaders
Avatara and Sakti : Traditional symbols in the Hindu renaissance
No full textThe Hindu Renaissance is commonly regarded as having begun seriously in the 1870's, consequent upon the foundation in 1875 of the Ārya Samāj in the West of India.' But this is in many ways a date of convenience. The roots of the movement go back, particularly as far as Bengal is concerned, to the time of Rammohun Roy, when on the one hand there was created a serious, though small-scale. Hindu reform movement, and on the other there was introduced into Calcutta the remarkable catalyst of Western education. Hindu reform and Western education were closely linked for the greater part of the nineteenth century. The early Hindu reform movements to a very great extent shared the same characteristics: small-scale and elitist, they were not designed to appeal, and did not appeal, to the masses. The Brāhma Samāj, for instance, never succeeded in achieving popularity; it began and continued very largely as a somewhat rarefied worship-society. But the years between 1893 and 1897 were the years of Swāmi Vivekānanda's "mission" to the World's Parliament of Religions in Chicago and his tours in the countries of the West. Perhaps it was in the figure of the Swāmi that the Indian national movement found its first powerful human symbol
The body in wellbeing spirituality: self, spirit beings and the politics of difference
No full textNew religious movements of the nineteenth century—notably the Theosophical Society and Spiritualism—endowed western culture with an energetic concept of the self: that is, with a model of the body that proposed the individual to be constituted by a ‘spiritual’ or subtle substance. This model of the body—the subtle body—was not new to western esoteric traditions, however, its presentation at this time melded with subtle body schemes from Hindu traditions (primarily Yoga traditions) and provided the groundwork for the popularisation of a concept of the body and self as being comprised of an energetic anatomy. This model of the self has continued unabated into contemporary consumer culture and underpins the vast majority of mind–body concepts in Complementary and Alternative Medical (CAM) practices. This article is concerned with the subtle body models currently found in Wellbeing Spirituality healing modalities. In particular, it considers their ontological and metaphysical propositions with regard to an ethics of difference: both energetic and cultural. Therefore, two distinct types of discourse will be examined and discussed: that of popular culture and that of Continental philosophy (especially feminist and poststructural). Both provide methods for understanding the enduring popularity of subtle body concepts of the self and the challenging ethical relations that the model presupposes
‘Bringing it all back home’: mentalities, models and the historical study of religions
No full textIf historians of mentalities are studying cultural models of the past, the cognitive historians of religions are in their turn studying religious model. A more useful definition for religious mentalities would be those cultural models which involves representations based on counterintuitive claims. The history of religions would methodologically be something like a specialized branch of the history of mentalities, and it would be necessary for them to work in close relationship, as applying cognitive approaches to cultural materials always relies on the principle of holism, that is, that all cultural representations should be viewed as parts of the cognitive network system they are found in
The problems of syncretism
No full textThat which happens when two religions meet is obviously different from case to case. It is possible for two "organized" religions to exist side by side for centuries without any exchange taking place. But otherwise, we are obviously moving along a continuum, the one pole of which is the repression of one of the two religions, the other a complete fusion of them. From another point of view, the results of syncretism may be grouped according to the degree in which the foreign elements are felt as essential or less essential. On this broad definition, the topic before us is vast. As a matter of fact few religions are totally "pure" or homogeneous and free from elements of syncretism or traces of an encounter with other religions
Shamanism as an experiencing of "the Unreal"
No full textOur usual conception of the shaman is, indeed, that he employs monotonous effects to fall into ecstasy and arrive at the state of trance: he sings and dances alone, or along with others. The auditory stimulations and the motoric movements, in increasing intensity, and the emotional induction from the crowd around him result in his falling into a trance in the end, and the disconnecting of higher cerebral centers: his "soul" journeys, released from the body. It is now that he is said to be capable of relating experiences which we cannot judge on the basis of our "knowledge", experiences which he and those present, on their part, accept as knowledge. The special position of the shaman, and the specific social and cultural situation which is the background for his contribution, make it extremely difficult to approach phenomena like ecstasy and the trance through observation and experiments. But there are other methods. In our technical and mechanized civilization, monotonous stimulation is steadily increasing, and a considerable number of situations exist which have raised problems for fertile meditation on this subject