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The proliferation of post-modern religiosity in the late sixties: the case of ’The Process Church of the Final Judgement’: from psychoanalysis as therapy to psychoanalysis as theology
The sixties may be considered as a true turning point in the history of the West. It may be correctly stated that the counterculture ‘revolution’, which has characterized Western civilization since the sixties, gave rise to further acceleration of what has been called ‘post-modernity’, the most important character of which is the revaluation of the ‘religious’ and the detachment of the category of ‘sacred’—the divinity being generally considered as ‘impersonal’ and in terms of ‘energy’—from traditional religions
On time-reckoning in old Saami culture
Time-reckoning in old Saami culture was an orientation towards macrocosmos and microcosmos, conditioned by factors in the ecological environment affecting the course of man's practical activity. In a society or a culture where hunting and fishing and breeding animals were the chief occupations, the concepts were influenced by the circumstances surrounding these activities. The concepts of time and time-reckoning were connected with a special content—winter and summer—caused by the biocosmic rhythm. Fauna and flora gave the indications of the coming season. Among these the bear' s hibernation was a stable and prominent sign, due to his extreme sensitivity towards the biocosmic rhythm. We can call this an ecological measuring of time, well-fitting to the different occupations of a hunter, his settlement and life-style of the main seasons. As the bear was linked to the points of time when light and darkness were shifting, the bear became an important factor in old Saami culture for the orientation on both macrocosmic and microcosmic level
The Hindu Confrontation with the Jaina and the Buddhist. Saint Tirunacampantar's Polemical Writings
The seventh century A.D. was a period of religious conflict when Hinduism, especially the Saiva Bhakti movement came to collusion with Jainism and Buddhism in Tamilnadu. Saint Tiruñanacampantamurtti (Campantar) is a dominating figure in Tamil Saivism, who seems to reflect a unique blend of Vedic tradition, Saiva faith and Tamil culture. Campantar's outbursts against the Jains and the Buddhists were one of the underlying themes throughout his career. He seems to have made admirable use of Tamil nationalism in his confrontation with Jainism and Buddhism. It was probably the most important factor that favoured the success of the Saiva bhakti movement. He was able to bring out a synthesis of the interests of his caste along with those of Saivism. The Jains and the Buddhists could not withstand the movement launched by Campantar. Islam and Christianity came to Tamilnadu later but still the main stream among the Tamils continues to be Saivite
Bob Dylan and religion
This article, which is located within the field of research on religion and popular culture, is a discussion of the relations of one particular rock artist, Bob Dylan, to religion. Religion can be seen as a recurring topic in Dylan’s work—particularly during a period at the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s, often referred to as his ‘Christian era’—and also in the discourses around him. This article explores how the topic of religion appears in discourses around Bob Dylan. In this article one particular aspect of the connection between religion and popular culture is looked at: the construction of certain artists or stars as religious figures, and more specifically Bob Dylan as a case. The author does not try to discover whether Dylan is religious or not; or which religion he possibly adheres to. Rather, the author looks at how rock artists and in this case Bob Dylan are ‘constructed’ as religious figures.
The art of mystification: esotericism differentiated in the definition of Finnish symbolism
This article focuses on Sarajas-Korte’s definitions that proved to be so significant to Finnish art history. In spite of the fact that her research still represents the most extensive and profound work on Finnish Symbolism, the aim here is to question some of her definitions and categorizations. Most of her concepts are puzzling, since she tends to use them in several different ways. One example of her conceptualizations is the way she uses the word esotericism and its derivatives. First of all, she seems to associate esotericism with secrecy and things hidden—in other words she follows the definition created already by the ancient Greeks. Secondly, she fuses esotericism with Symbolism as she herself defines it; hence Symbolist art is grounded on the ‘esoteric conceptions of symbols’. She also uses the word esotericism as though it would reflect the spirit of an age, as she writes for example about ‘the esoteric youth’ of the time. In addition to these three meanings, Sarajas-Korte seems to understand esotericism also by means of tradition. Her view of the esoteric tradition, however, is quite inclusive, since it seems to contain everything from the secret societies of Joséphin Péladan to the stories of the Bible and the Ramayana
Mysticism, historical and contemporary
An evident experience of God's presence is the basis for all religion. Mysticism is considered to be piety in so far as primary importance is attached to inner religious experience, to religion as occurring in the soul. Mysticism is pure religious introversion. The special religious experience of mysticism, its epistemology and its ascetic ethics or technique, occur with startling likeness in widely different times and types of religion. This does not, however, exclude a multitude of variations and differences. The way of mysticism includes different stages, but the state which generally distinguishes mystical experience is ecstasy or rapture. It is, however, often impossible to isolate this from the preparatory physical and spiritual training and even less from the revolutionary consequences for the whole life of the mystic. It can result in complete devotion to the service of one's neighbour, and the not infrequent accusation that the mystic gives himself up to a selfish and anti-social enjoyment of God is not entirely justified
Motivation for pilgrimage: using theory to explore motivations
This article is a discussion of the motivations for pilgrimage and it will draw upon theories of motivation to explore the continuing attraction of pilgrimage in contemporary times. This discussion is located within the field of Event Management. Event Management is a fast growing discipline which focuses on the design, production and management of planned events, such as festivals, celebrations, conferences, fund-raisers and so on. Clearly pilgrimages, as planned events, fit into this definition. In this context, it is essential to recognise the importance of understanding the motives and needs of event customers so that we can plan to help our customers satisfy their motives. Whilst it might seem abhorrent and commercial to talk of pilgrims as customers, pilgrimages and religious sites have become more and more commodified and increasingly are deemed to need professional management. Key theories of motivation will be compared in order to identify the prime motivating factors underpinning people’s decisions to make pilgrimages
The sacredness of the self, of society and of the human body: the case of a Finnish transgender pastor Marja-Sisko Aalto
In 2008 the change of sex of a Finnish transgender pastor attracted media attention to Lutheran Christianity on a worldwide scale, which compared to other religious traditions seldom makes it to the world news. This article discusses the sex reassignment undergone by Marja-Sisko Aalto, a Lutheran pastor from the town of Imatra, in south eastern Finland, who in 2008, at the age of 54, was transformed into a woman. First some remarks on the relation between religion and the body are made and terminological issues are discussed briefly. The second part of the article presents Aalto's life story based on the author's interview with her in April 2010. In the last section the author discusses the Finnish cognitive scholar Ilkka Pyysiäinen’s reflection on folk biology as an explanation for making sense of the public image regarding a priest’s gender. The article concludes by looking at Marja-Sisko Aalto’s case from the perspective of marking boundaries between the categories of the self, the society and the human body.
The Royal pilgrimage of the Goddess Nanda
Once every twelve years, when it is thought that some calamity has taken place because of the curse of the goddess Nanda Devi, a four-horned ram is born in the fields of the former king of Garhwal, an erstwhile Central Himalayan kingdom in north India (see map of Garhwal). This four-horned ram leads a procession of priests and pilgrims on the most dangerous and spectacular pilgrimage in all of India: a three-week, barefoot journey of one-hundred and sixty-four miles, during some of the worst weather of the year, at the end of the rainy season. The procession reaches Rupkund, a small pond located at an altitude of more than 5,000 metres, which is surrounded by human skeletons, and from there it goes yet further, to Homkund, the ‘Lake of the Fire Sacrifice’. According to the faithful, the four-horned ram leaves the procession at that point and finds its way, unaided, to the summit of Mount Trishul. As its name suggests, the Royal Procession is closely associated with the ruler of this erstwhile Himalayan kingdom: he attends its inaugural rituals, the bones that litter the shores of Rupkund are believed to be those of one of his ancestors, and the chief sponsor of the event is a local ‘Prince’ who is thought to be descended from the first kings of Garhwal. This Prince traverses the domain of his ancestors and thereby lays claim to it in the name of the goddess Nanda, who is not only his lineage goddess but was also the royal goddess of the neighbouring kingdom of Kumaon, in pre-colonial times. Although the Royal Procession ideally fosters social integration, it was disrupted in 1987 by a quarrel between two factions of priests. The goddess’s itinerary, the culminating date of the pilgrimage, the type of sacrifice to be performed, the order of procession, the participation of previously excluded persons, and the competency of certain ritual specialists—all were subjects of heated dispute between the rival groups. What was the reason for this quarrel? The whole idea of the Progress was to create unity, yet in the event they were torn apart by an acrimonious dispute. So why were they quarrelling if it was ‘only’ a ritual, a matter of mere symbols? Although we often distinguish between the realms of ‘politics’ and ‘ritual’, and although many social scientists would balk at the idea that they are one and the same, in many cases – as the author argues in this article – they pervade each other: ritual is politics and politics is ritual
Influences from the Huns on Scandinavian Sacrificial Customs during 300-500 AD
Votive offerings may be our main source of knowledge concerning the religion of the Iron Age before the Vikings. An important question is the connection between two kinds of sacrificial finds, i.e. horse sacrifices and burial offerings. They are contemporary and they share the same background. They can both be traced back to the Huns. This means that in all probability religious ideas occurred in southern Scandinavia during the fourth to the sixth century which were strongly influenced by the Huns, who were powerful in Central Europe at that time. The explanation of this is probably that some Scandinavians, for instance by serving as mercenaries, had come in contact with the Huns and, at least to some extent, assimilated their ways of thinking and their religious ideas