Creta Antica (E-Journal - Università di Catania)
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IL RHYTÒN DEI LOTTATORI E LE SCENE DI COMBATTIMENTO: BATTAGLIE, DUELLI, AGONI E COMPETIZIONI NELLA CRETA NEOPALAZIALE
Full text linkIn the first part of this paper, an iconographical analysis of the so called Boxer Rhytòn of Haghia Triada is carried out. While the scenes of the lower registers, much better discussed, are fairly clear in their interpretation, the upper register, neglected in the archaeological bibliography due to its poor state of preservation, has received little attention. On the left of a column, two men are fighting, while on the right there is a group of three men, unfortunately bad preserved, one of which is however surely an archer. The stance suggests a link with representations of context between two groups of warriors, introducing a strong character of violence more similar to war scenes than to context scenes.In order to achieve a deeper understanding of the whole iconographical repertoire of the Boxer Rhytòn, Aegean representations of fightings are reviewed. Four cycles of context representations can be distinguished: boxer/wrestler, duel, group contexts, siege. Context scenes are not a Mycenaean prerogative, on the contrary, they were perhaps created in Crete during the beginning of the Bronze Age. If siege scenes are surely referring to true war action (intersocietary war), other explanation for the other three groups can be proposed so that it is not possible to trace a sharp separation line between war and not war scenes. In particular, the action in the sealing AT 113, with two men fighting and a third dead man lying in the nearby, seems to be performed in a closed space, so that a ritual character is suggested, even if it is only possible to speculate about it is very nature (initiation rites? Ritual fighting?). On the other hand, an iconographical link can be detected among a few combat scenes and hunting scenes. The conclusion seems unescapable that at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age physical strength and weapon knowledge are widespread among the members of Cretan elite, and their practice is encouraged through a complete set of physical exercises, hunting activities and bull games, which includes also, at their climax, the violent encounter among opposite groups, from which a deadly result was not excluded. This interpretation fits well in the new perspective of Minoan society as based upon social conflicts and factional competitions
MINERALOGICAL, PETROGRAPHICAL AND GEOCHEMICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF POTTERY PRODUCTION OF THE LATE MINOAN I KILN AT HAGHIA TRIADA (CRETE): PRELIMINARY DATA
Full text linkThis work presents the mineralogical, petrographic and chemical characterization of 52 pottery fragments found inside the Late Minoan IB kiln at Haghia Triada.An integrated program of analyses was executed using petrographic thin-section analyses, scanning electron microscopy, X-ray diffraction (XRD) with quantitative elaborations by the Rietveld method, X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and neutron activation analysis (NAA). Thin section analyses of the assemblage produced four fabric groups (according to the texture of the ceramics and their mineral and rock content) and evidenced a process of clay mixing for the production of the fine ceramics.Micromorphological analyses by SEM showed that vessels underwent high temperature fi-ring thus testifying the high technology reached in the building of the kiln.XRF analyses displayed the employment of a low calcium clay for cooking pots and a calcareous clay with various tempers for the other studied ceramics.The multivariate cluster analysis performed by using chemical data of trace elements al-lowed to individuate the «reference group» of the ceramic production at Haghia Triada in the Late Minoan IB period. It consists of all the analysed samples with the exception of the low calcium cooking pots.From the comparison between the two reference groups of Haghia Triada and Kommos, it emerged a compositional diversity in their products due to the employment of different raw materials in the pottery production
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Full text linkCreta Antica 4V. La Rosa, ‹‹il colle sul quale sorge la chiesa ad ovest è tutto seminato di cocci…››. Vicende e temi di uno scavo di lungo corso S. Todaro, Haghia Triada nel periodo Antico Minoico F. Carinci, Haghia Triada nel periodo Medio MinoicoD. Puglisi, Haghia Triada nel periodo Tardo Minoico I N. Cucuzza, Il volo del grifo: osservazioni sulla Haghia Triada ‹‹micenea›› D. Palermo, Haghia Triada fra il XII ed il VII secolo a.C.G. Pappalardo - A. Karydas - V. La Rosa - P. Militello - L.Pappalardo F. Rizzo - F.P. Romano, Provenance of obsidian artefacts from different archaeological layers of Phaistos and Haghia Triada M. Cultraro, La grande tholos di Haghia Triada: nuovi dati per un vecchio complesso O. Palio, Vasi in pietra dai livelli MM II dal ‹‹Settore Nord-Est›› di Haghia Triada L. Girella, Un pitharaki MM III dal ‹‹Settore Nord-Est›› di Haghia Triada P. Militello, Il rhytòn dei Lottatori e le scene di combattimento: battaglie, duelli, agoni e competizioni nella Creta neopalaziale C. Monaco - L. Tortorici, Effects of earthquakes on the Minoan ‹‹Royal Villa›› at Haghia Triada (Crete) C. Belfiore - P.M. Day - V. Kilikoglou - V. La Rosa - P. Mazzoleni A. Pezzino, Mineralogical, petrographical and geochemical characterization of pottery production of the Late Minoan I kiln at Haghia Triada (Crete): preliminary data L. Arcifa, Osservazioni sulle ceramiche fini di età veneziana e turca da Haghia Triada (con appendice di C. Belfiore e P. Mazzoleni)
LA GRANDE THOLOS DI HAGHIA TRIADA: NUOVI DATI PER UN VECCHIO COMPLESSO
Full text linkThis paper presents the results obtained through a re-assessment of the archaeological record coming from tholos tomb A at Haghia Triada, Crete. The funerary structure was excavated in 1904 by F. Halbherr and E. Stefani, and was published only in 1930 by L. Banti, who showed a selection of the artefacts. The re-assessment has been carried out in two different levels: firstly, the reading of the handbooks of Halbherr and Stefani, provides new data in order to reconstruct the stratigraphical sequence and to propose a most detailed location of each finding. The second level encompasses the analysis of the burial offerings, according to the new proposal of classification suggested for the prepalatial ceramic assemblage of Knossos. It was also possible to re-examine the whole assemblage from tholos A, collected in Greece (Heraklion, Archaeological Museum) and partially in Italy (Rome, Museo Etnografico L. Pigorini). In both collections I was able to identify some artefacts not included in the Banti’s list. The re-investigation of this funerary complex allows me to conclude that tholos A showed a stratigraphical sequence with four different levels (fig. 1). The lower stratum (level 1) included pottery dated to EM IIB, while a specific group of pottery, especially including Fine Grey Ware, could be assigned to EM IIa. This latter evidence arises the question of the chronological, as well as spatial, relationship between tholos A and the nearby houses investigated by C. Laviosa in 1970 at 200 mt. South of the cemetery. The hypothesis is that tholos A was temporary abandoned in the same time when the nearby houses were build, according to the absence of Haghios Onouphrios pottery II among burial offerings found in the tombs. We can date this moment between the EM IIa and an early stage of EM IIb. A level containing (level 2) sand and without human bones separated the lower stratum from the subsequent level 3. The interpretation of this level, that represents a gap of the funerary activity in the tomb, seems strictly related to a similar evidence documented in other tholoi in the Mesara Plain, such as Vorou B and Lebena IIa. In all those cases, tholoi were temporary abandoned during the early phase of EM III, suggesting to interpret this evidence as a more wider phenomenon involved Southern Crete. The level 3 represents the reoccupation of the tholos and it includes pottery assemblage of EM III-MM IA The complex of Annexes built to the eastern side of tholos is dated to this period and is was connected to the ritual activities carried out in the necropolis, as the large amount of conical cups found in Room L suggests.The upper stratum (level 1) is related to the latest burial in the tomb and can be dated to MM IB-MM II A. This level is also connected to the construction of the nearby tholos B, that probably was built in order to provide a newly funerary structure, because in the protopalatial period the tholos A was totally full of burials.The collapse of the tomb, probably dated to MM III, transformed tholos A into a large mount and on the top of it an aryballos imitating Corinthian types was deposed at the beginnings of the VIIth B.C., perhaps for ritual purposes
IL VOLO DEL GRIFO: OSSERVAZIONI SULLA HAGHIA TRIADA «MICENEA»
Full text linkThe paper focuses on LM III Haghia Triada. Particular attention is devoted to the architectural activities carried out in the settlement after the LM IB destruction. The two main building phases, already traced by preceding studies, testify the great importance of HaghiaTriada in LM IIIA-B as a second-ordercenter in Knossian administration or as a main centre in a different (and its own) Reign. Some observations concern the craft productions and the overall economic and religious activities carried out at Haghia Triada always in the same period. In this respect the archaeological evidence can be corroborated by the examination of the Knossian linear B tablets, concerning the two settlements of da-wo and pa-i-to, possibly Haghia Triada’s Mycenaean name. The LM III tombs actually known in the site probably testify that the settlement élite was constituted by very few individuals, perhaps belonging to just one (or two) family
VASI IN PIETRA DAI LIVELLI MM II DAL «SETTORE NORD-EST» DI HAGHIA TRIADA
Full text linkA small group of fourteen stone vases was found at Haghia Triada during the excavations 1991 and 1992 in the area of the Complesso della Mazza di Breccia. These stone vases are four big hemispherical cups, five lids, a bird’s nest bowl, a jag with concave side, a libation table, a fragment block vase, a one-handle troncoconical cup. All have the same typological characteristics of those found at Phaistos, especially those from the Palace, and confirm the presence in this area, during the MM II, of an important cult place. Three of the vases were found incomplete, and are, probably, the indicators of the existence of a stone vase workshop, controlled directly by the priests active in this area
OSSERVAZIONI SULLE CERAMICHE FINI DI ETÀ VENEZIANA E TURCA DA HAGHIA TRIADA
Full text linkThis essays examines material culture discovered in late-venetian cemetery located around Church of St. George Galata upon the Minoan Villa of Haghia Triada. Particularly is investigated table ware as glazed incised ware and green and brown painted ware. Morphological and ornamental elements authorise to identify a local production which is well attested in many other sites in Crete. Decoration is plain and coarser with a very few motifs, almond-shaped and gridiron in combination. Petrological analysis indicate that so called fabric 1 is comparable with local clay’s composition
«IL COLLE SUL QUALE SORGE LA CHIESA AD OVEST È TUTTO SEMINATO DI COCCI…». VICENDE E TEMI DI UNO SCAVO DI LUNGO CORSO
Full text linkOn the basis of the excavation notebooks and letters we reconstruct the difficult history of this excavation, and we attempt to explore, underscore, and to explain the circumstances that conditioned many choices that were made. Regarding the decision to begin digging at this new site, towards the end of the third excavation campaign at Phaistos, we point to hypothetically two particular factors: first, the clear wish of Halbherr to assert the right of the Italian mission to excavate in the area of the Messarà following a diplomatic incident with Cretan authorities that arose from the excavation of the necropolis of Kalivia by S. Xanthoudidis, and secondly the number of finds from Phaistos, relatively small with respect to that from Knossos, something that hurt the sense of dignity or national pride which had always driven the efforts of F. Halbherr outside the borders of Italy. In fact, the decision to begin this new excavation even took by surprise G. De Sanctis, who immediately advised Halbherr not to start anything else in Crete, for fear of interfering with the beginning of explorations in the Cirenaica, which they had already planned.We then review the difficult time that Halbherr spent deciding whether to continue the excavation directly by himself after a brief period of collaboration with R. Paribeni had come to an end. We note how the publication of that excavation became a kind of ordeal. After several limited trenches by L. Banti, there really was a plan for continuation, but it was not followed by D. Levi and C. Laviosa in the 1970 s. By 1977, when the first part of the earlier excavations were being published, a new cycle of projects aimed exclusively at re-excavating what had been excavated for the purpose of resolving many problems (especially with regard to chronology) that remained from the earlier excavations was undertaken (to 1999).In the second part of this paper, we address the motivating criteria and the scientific problems addressed by each excavation cycle: from the iconography of the most important finds, to the problem of political relations with Phaistos (beginning with a letter by F. Halbherr in which he asks whether the two centres did not perhaps constitute an upper and a lower city). We furthermore discuss the influence of Evans upon the reading of stratigraphy, the relations between Minoans and Mycenaeans, the interests of L. Banti in religion, and the most recent hypotheses regarding the complementary roles of Phaistos and Haghia Triada (in the context of the whole island, through which the strategic position of Knossos emerges clearly towards the end of the Middle Minoan III period).In the last part we trace a general history of the site, beginning with the Venetian period and going back to the possible rite of foundation at the beginning of Early Minoan I. For each period we summarize the most important data that has emerged from recent work, and we refer to the detailed contributions for each period, which constitute the primary chapters of a yet unpublished history of the site.This study also presents a new general plan of Haghia Triada in colour, with the indication of each of its chronological phases, and three appendices present, respectively, the texts of the letters sent by F. Halbherr to D. Comparetti regarding the excavations at Haghia Triada, the most important passages from the letters of F. Halbherr to G. De Sanctis regarding this excavation, and two letters by F. Halbherr, one to L. Pernier, the other to L. Pigorini, in which he explains the stratigraphy and the history of the centre Haghia Triada
HAGHIA TRIADA FRA IL XII ED IL VII SECOLO A.C.
Full text linkAfter its abandonment in the TM IIIB, and in the course of the first centuries of the Iron Age, the site of Haghia Triada remains deserted, with the remarkable exception of the Sanctuary of the Piazzale dei Sacelli, an open area where a huge amount of bronze and clay votives was found.A few others finds are document of the use of the site during this period, mostly pottery and bronze figurines. A second place of cult is established, perhaps in the final VIIIth or VIIth century B.C., near the great tholos tomb A.The Iron Age finds of Haghia Triada, in comparison with the related evidence from Phaistos, Kommos and Gortyna, help us to better understand the history of the Southern Mesara area from the Dark Age until the beginnings of the archaic period
HAGHIA TRIADA NEL PERIODO MEDIO MINOICO
Full text linkAfter one hundred years of excavations and researches on the site, in spite of the relative shortage of data, it has been possible, above all due to the recent campaigns directed by V. La Rosa, to offer a more exhaustive picture of the situation in MM period. The MM IA represents a particularly delicate moment for its development. We know only scarce traces of the settlement, while the data from the cemetery appear much interesting. A massive use of the Tholos A and of its annexes is combined with an intense ceremonial activity in the area of the so called «camerette» South of the tomb, small rooms built in order to keep pottery and other items for ceremonial purpose. This area is connected to a space marked by the presence of two baetyls. Here, ceremonies related to the cult of the ancestors were celebrated, that can be intended as a form of social control in order to purchase manpower on behalf of elitist groups, perhaps involved in the foundation of the Palace at Phaestos. This activity appears to be reduced in MM IB and disappears at the beginnings of MM II, when even the Tholos A is no more used for graves. The smaller Tholos B probably built between the end of MM IA and the beginnings of MM IB, remained the only funerary building for the rest of the period. Between MM IB and MM II the disposition of the settlement along the western slope of the hill and in the terraces where afterwards the Royal Villa was built, is better defined, and Haghia Triada can be classified as a satellite centre of Phaestos.During the MM II in the North-Eastern Sector recently excavated East of the so called Tomba degli Ori, a paved area, connected to a road layout with a ramp, marked a probably ceremonial space, with a bema or bomòs, to be intended as related to the area of the baetyls, still in use in this period. In MM II an extension of the settlement toward the northern slope of the hill may be supposed, while further down, beyond the road and toward the cemetery, the old ceremonial area continued to be used with new purposes. Apart from the scanty monumental remains this fact is indirectly testified by the pottery (mostly dumps or fillings, seldom stratified deposits). Among the abundant finds we can point out numerous ceremonial shapes similar to those from the Palace at Phaestos, very likely in use in the nearby area. Particularly important are the fragments of a group of figurines representing women worshipping the goddess or waiting for her epiphany.At the end of MM IIB Haghia Triada was involved in the events that determined the destruction of the first palaces and to the difficult recovery that followed. Nevertheless the road layout of the north eastern sector was restored, and there are scarcely preserved rests of some structures of this period as well as a rather scarce amount of pottery. Only at the end of the MM III period, with the foundation of the Villa, Haghia Triada emerges as new administrative political centre of south central Crete. A general evaluation of local handicraft, is based almost exclusively on pottery, since other activities (metallurgy, textile industry, seal engraving, carving of stone vases) are very scarcely documented. The MM pottery recovered from the site shows – within the different classes – exact parallels with Phaestos, an indication of the fact that, in many cases, the same workshops supplied both sites.Therefore, in the MM period, Haghia Triada appears as the privileged partner of Phaestos, a kind of immediate offshoot of the palatial centre toward the coastal zone of the Mesara plain, in a better position to check the route that from the Lybian sea goes up toward the Palace and the final stretch of the course of the River Ieropotamos. Certainly helped by both the proximity to the main centre of the region and a long tradition of mutual relationship to it, our site was probably provided with its own cult centres, initially still rooted in a local tradition, then more decidedly aligned with the palatial rituals. Apparently we have no clear indication of a local administration, even if, in theory, resident officials, as well as priests or priestesses could exist on site