Università del Salento: ESE - Salento University Publishing
Not a member yet
17344 research outputs found
Sort by
Strategic Arab-Kurdish Alliance: Syria's Support of Kurdish Organisations during the Cold War
Full text linkAll major Kurdish political movements interacted with foreign states in search of resources and support. Besides superpowers, it was the Arab nationalist regime of Syria that cooperated with foreign Kurdish radical groups in the most stable way as well as instrumentalised them. The paper fills the gap in scholarship by focusing on Damascus' relations with the Iraqi Kurdish groups in the 1950s – 1990s and noting their significance for Syria's alliance with Kurdish militants from Turkey. What drove them, how the dynamics of these relations changed, what role did this cooperation play in Kurdish politics and which consequences it had? The most active phase of these relations included the 1970s and the 1980s. The Assad regime's Kurdish policies were closely related to Syria's rise as a regional power enabled by its tapping into external resources. These were provided by a number of states driven by Cold War developments. The paper focuses on the question of Kurdish own agency in such interactions: how the Kurdish groups succeeded or failed in avoiding dependency on the Syrian regime. The research relies on Iraqi, Iranian, Turkish and Soviet media reports and political documents of the time, archival records, memoirs
Come eravamo: lettere alla Società delle Nazioni durante l'aggressione italiana all'Etiopia
Full text linkItAll'indomani della decisione di Mussolini di conquistare l'Etiopia e delle conseguenti sanzioni economiche inflitte all'Italia, la Società delle Nazioni (SdN) fu letteralmente inondata da missive. Una corrispondenza molto varia e composita che è ora disponibile online grazie al Total Digital Access to the League of Nations Archives Project (LONTAD), la digitalizzazione su larga scala degli archivi dell'organizzazione fondata con il trattato di Versailles. Da un lato, per esempio, vi era chi protestava contro l'aggressione italiana e l'incapacità dell'Organizzazione e delle grandi potenze di intervenire efficacemente, dall'altro chi si scagliava contro la SdN per le sanzioni inflitte, o chi proponeva soluzioni alternative per far terminare il conflitto. Una documentazione davvero imponente, esaminata recentemente da Cherri Wemlinger nella sua tesi di dottorato discussa alla Washington State University nel 2012. Sebbene non pubblicata, essa risulta il primo tentativo di catalogare le migliaia di comunicazioni giunte da tutte le parti del mondo a Ginevra durante la disputa italo-etiopica. Ciononostante, l'analisi si è concentrata soprattutto sulle principali direzioni che emergevano nell'opinione pubblica mondiale, tralasciando scientemente la natura di quella che affiorava in Italia. Il presente studio si propone quindi di indagare ulteriormente sui principali punti di vista esistenti sul tema, nel tentativo di capire meglio la società del tempo, specie quella italiana non al centro del lavoro di Wemlinger. La mole del carteggio ha imposto all'autore la necessità di scegliere i messaggi più significativi, riproponendone alcuni dietro autorizzazione degli League of Nations Archives. La preferenza è caduta su quelle lettere ritenute più indicative e su quelle provenienti da cittadini italiani.EnAfter Mussolini's decision to conquer Ethiopia and the resulting economic sanctions imposed on Italy, the League of Nations was flooded with letters. A very diverse and composite correspondence that is now available online thanks to the Total Digital Access to the League of Nations Archives Project (LONTAD), the large-scale digitization of the archives of the organization founded by the Treaty of Versailles. On the one hand, for example, there were those who protested against Italian aggression and the inability of the Organization and the great powers to intervene effectively, and on the other hand there were those who lashed out at the League for the sanctions imposed, or those who proposed alternative solutions to end the conflict. A truly impressive documentation, recently examined by Cherri Wemlinger in her doctoral dissertation discussed at Washington State University in 2012. Although unpublished, it turns out to be the first attempt to catalog the thousands of communications that came from all parts of the world to Geneva during the Italo-Ethiopian dispute. Nevertheless, the analysis focused mainly on the main directions emerging in world public opinion, knowingly leaving out the nature of that emerging in Italy. The present study therefore aims to further investigate the main existing views on the subject in an attempt to better understand the society of the time, especially the Italian society not the focus of Wemlinger's work. The sheer volume of the correspondence forced the author to choose the most significant messages, reproducing some of them with the permission of the League of Nations Archives. The preference fell on those letters considered most indicative and those from Italian citizens
Steps Forward and Backward on Abortion Rights in Advanced Democracies
Full text linkThere is no abstract for special issue introduction
Is Abortion Dividing Society? Differentiated Attitudes and Contextual Factors. A Quantitative Vignette Study
Full text linkWe investigated in our quantitative study, based on a factorial survey, whether and how people change their skeptical attitude towards abortions when they are given a vignette and, thus, confronted with further information about the life situation of a person who has an unplanned pregnancy. Our target group was men over 41 years of age living in Western Germany, as this population group is the most critical of abortions, according to the ALLBUS, the German General Social Survey. A computer-assisted telephonic interview survey was conducted with 302 people from the target group. After general questions, such as whether abortion should remain a criminal offense under § 218 of the German Criminal Code and only be exempt from punishment under certain conditions, the participants were randomly assigned to three thematic vignettes: financial burden, eugenics or intimate partner violence. Our results show that, even in the target group, only 24.9% of respondents agree that abortion should remain criminalized. In the face of new information, comprehensibility of the decision to have an abortion increased in all three vignettes
Evaluating the intersection of attitudes on foster care and abortion among US American evangelicals
Full text linkFoster care is invoked by activists on both sides of the abortion debate. For abortion opponents, it represents a home and path to adoption. For abortion advocates, it is an already broken system that could be overwhelmed by abortion restrictions. These views are also deeply tied to religion in the United States, with some church communities being involved in both anti-abortion activism and foster care volunteering. We investigate the intersection of beliefs on abortion and child welfare among anti-abortion evangelical Christians in Tennessee against the backdrop of a total abortion ban at the state level. We find that these beliefs are shaped by a distrust of the secular state and a preference for family matters to be managed within Christian communities. By centering state skepticism, we can better understand the internal logic of supporting abortion bans but opposing increased funding for state-run child welfare, laying the groundwork for future research
Gleichbehandlung von testamentarischer und fideikommissarischer Freilassung im Zwangserbenfall: Eine Entscheidung Scaevolas oder des Senats?
Full text linkIl presente contributo tratta di un senatoconsulto emanato temporibus divi Hadriani e tramandatoci solamente da Scevola nella fonte Scaev. 18 quaest., D.28.5.84. Al centro dell'esame esegetico si svolge l'analisi filologico-giuridica del1 del frammento. Viene in particolar modo analizzato, se l'equiparazione tra manomissione testamentaria (fraudolenta) e manomissione fedecommissaria (fraudolenta) nel caso di erede necessario fosse frutto di una decisione del Senato romano o del giurista Quinto Cervidio Scevola. Tramite il confronto con alcuni passi di Gaio (Gai. 2 fideicomm., D.36.1.65.15 e Gai. inst. 1.46-47) si cerca di rendere plausibile perché questa decisione, rilevante sia sotto l'aspetto giuridico che politico, sia molto probabilmente da attribuire al Senato. Il fatto che, come sappiamo da Gai. inst. 1.47, era il Senato ad avere già deciso ex auctoritate Hadriani l'equiparazione tra le due forme di manomissione, implica che anche tale exceptio provenisse dal Senato
