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Servitù su res nullius. Fadda, Brugi e i diritti di collettività indeterminate
EnIn the civil law culture of the early 20th century, the controversy between Carlo Fadda and Biagio Brugi over the admissibility of right of way (servitus) on nullius lands is a scene in which the contrasts between different viewpoints of the relationship with the Roman tradition and the modern needs for adaptation of the land use regime are revealed. The distinction, outlined by Fadda, between the position of the property and the position of the owner, and the concept of the permanent utilitas of the property, broaden the concept of the servitus: in this way, with respect to the well-known judicial affair on the public use of Villa Borghese, Fadda outlines a right of way for the benefit of the community and will go so far as to also admit reciprocal servitutes, as an instrument of urban self-regulation. Useful indications emerge from this debate for understanding the evolution of the study of property rights and collective interests between the 19th and 20th century.FrDans la culture civiliste du début du XXe siècle, la controverse entre Carlo Fadda et Biagio Brugi sur l'admissibilité des servitudes sur les fonds nullius est un lieu où se révèlent les contrastes entre les différentes visions du rapport avec la tradition romaine et la nécessité moderne d'adapter le régime d'utilisation du sol. La distinction, esquissée par Fadda, entre la position du fonds et la position du propriétaire, et le concept de l'utilitas permanente du fonds, élargissent le concept de la servitude: ainsi, par rapport à la célèbre affaire judiciaire sur l'usage public de Villa Borghese, Fadda esquisse une servitude au profit de la communauté et ira jusqu'à admettre, plus tard, les servitudes réciproques comme instrument d'autorégulation urbaine. Il en ressort des indications utiles pour comprendre l'évolution de l'étude des droits réels et des intérêts collectifs entre le XIXe et le XXe siècle
C. 9.21.1 pr.-1: precisazioni sulla Lex Visellia, in particolare per l'età dioclezianea
EnThe essay deals with the rescript of Diocletian (C. 9.21.1pr.-1 of 300 AD) that mentions the lex Visellia of 24 AD, issued during the reign of Emperor Tiberius, to show that in the Diocletian period the reference to the ancient law is closely related to the criminal character of the behavior of those who claim to be ingenui, when in fact they are libertini, in order to hold the highest magistracies.FrL'essai traite du rescrit de Dioclétien (C. 9.21.1pr.-1 de 300 apr. J.-C.) qui mentionne la lex Visellia de 24 apr. J.-C., publiée sous le règne de l'empereur Tibère; on conclue que, à l'époque de Dioclétien, la référence à l'ancienne loi est étroitement liée au caractère criminel du comportement de ceux qui prétendent être ingenui, alors qu'ils sont en fait libertini, pour atteindre les plus hautes magistratures
Osservazioni in tema di conferimenti di cittadinanza a reges socii et amici populi Romani
EnThe paper highlights how the bestowal of citizenship on reges socii et amici populi Romani was a phenomenon that did not precede the Augustan age. On the other hand, the bestowal of citizenship had a value mainly in relation to the interactions between these dynasties and the Romans, as this ius civitatis was not perceived as relevant by other (still) non-Roman subjects. In this regard, the speaker emphasised a specific case, namely the dynasty of Emesa, for which he provided some new evidence to supplement the dossier. Coming to citizenship with Gaius Iulius Iamblichs II, the Emesa dynasty, of which the emperor Heliogabalus would have been a descendant in the 3rd century AD, only rarely made use of references to the tria nomina in the inscriptions placed in its territory during the 1st century AD.DeDer Beitrag betont, wie die Verleihung des Bürgerrechts an die reges socii et amici populi Romani ein Phänomen war, das der augusteischen Zeit nicht vorausging. Andererseits hatte die Verleihung des Bürgerrechts vor allem einen Wert in Bezug auf die Beziehungen zwischen diesen Dynastien und den Römern, da dieses ius civitatis von anderen (noch) nicht-römischen Untertanen nicht als relevant wahrgenommen wurde. In diesem Zusammenhang hob der Redner einen besonderen Fall hervor, nämlich die Dynastie von Emesa, für die er einige neue Beweise zur Ergänzung des Dossiers vorlegte. Die Dynastie der Emesa, aus der Kaiser Heliogabalus im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. stammte und die mit Gaius Iulius Iamblichus II. die Staatsbürgerschaft erlangte, machte in den Inschriften, die im 1. Jahrhundert n. Chr. in ihrem Gebiet angebracht wurden, nur selten von der tria nomina Gebrauch
La cittadinanza romana concessa ai re orientali nel II secolo d.C. Il caso di Αὐρήλιος Πάκορος, re dell'Armenia maior
EnAfter the difficulties created by the Parthian operations at the beginning of the principate of Antoninus Pius, the Romans regained indirect control of Armenia around 163-164 CE. Around 172 CE they finally escorted into Armenia the new king Sohaemus of Emesa, allegedly a senator who had also been appointed consul, and could also boast an aristocratic lineage descending from the Arsacids and even from the Achaemenids. The nature of the Roman sources, to which we may add the evidence from the Armenian historian Movsēs Xorenac'i, allows us to identify the deposed king in Pakoros, whom we find again in Rome, where he was received by Marcus Aurelius, who gave him the Roman citizenship. Finally Pakoros, who seems to have lived until 200 CE ca., was finally buried in Rome in a sarcophagus by the care of his brother Merithatēs (Mehrdād).DeNach den Schwierigkeiten, die durch die parthischen Operationen zu Beginn des Fürstentums von Antoninus Pius entstanden waren, erlangten die Römer um 163-164 n. Chr. wieder die indirekte Kontrolle über Armenien. Nach einigen Jahren, um 172, eskortierten sie schließlich den neuen König Sohaemus von Emesa nach Armenien, angeblich ein Senator, der auch zum Konsul ernannt worden war und sich zudem einer aristokratischen Abstammung von den Arsakiden und sogar von den Achämeniden rühmen konnte. Die römischen Quellen, zu denen wir die Belege des armenischen Historikers Movsēs Xorenac'i hinzufügen können, erlauben es uns, den abgesetzten König in Pakoros zu identifizieren. Schließlich wurde Pakoros, der bis etwa 200 n. Chr. gelebt zu haben scheint, in Rom in einem Sarkophag unter die Pflege seines Bruders Merithatēs (Mehrdād) beigesetzt
Latini ex lege Aelia Sentia
EnThe author examines some particularly controversial and discussed sources (especially Tit. Ulp. 1.12 and Gai. 1.41). They appear to be a clear evidence in favor of a latinitas based on the regulations of the lex Aelia Sentia. This latinitas was acquired by a manumissio testamento (for the slave less than thirty years of age) and by a manumissio inter amicos adprobata causa apud consilium (when performed by a dominus less than twenty years of age). Those acquiring the status of latini by these ways could become Roman citizens thanks to the ius adipiscendae civitatis introduced by the lex Aelia Sentia.EsEl autor examina algunas fuentes particularmente controvertidas y discutidas (especialmente Tit. Ulp. 1.12 y Gai. 1.41), que parecen ser una clara evidencia a favor de una latinitas ex lege Aelia Sentia. Esta latinitas se adquiría por manumissio testamento (para el esclavo menor de treinta años) y por manumissio inter amicos adprobata causa apud consilium (cuando la hacía un dominus menor de veinte años). Los que adquirían el estatus de latini por estas vías podían convertirse en ciudadanos romanos gracias al ius adipiscendae civitatis introducido por la lex Aelia Sentia