Università del Salento: ESE - Salento University Publishing
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Cenni sulla dimensione quantitativa della comunità di minoranza linguistica storica greca di Calabria per come stimata nei principali rilevamenti del Novecento
Get PDFItL'articolo è di natura compilativa e nasce con l'intento di offrire una panoramica sulla dimensione quantitativa della comunità di minoranza linguistica storica greca di Calabria per come stimata nei principali censimenti e rilevamenti individuati tra il 1898 ed il 1993. Dove è stato possibile, si è cercato di indicare sia la metodologia con cui tali dati furono raccolti sia la formazione del rilevatore. Accessoria è invece la parte in cui si delineano alcune fra le stime individuate tra il 2009 ed il 2023 in ambito amministrativo e pubblicistico.EnThis paper aims to provide an overview of the size of the historical Greek linguistic minority community in Calabria, as estimated in the main censuses and surveys conducted between 1898 and 1993. An attempt has been made to indicate both the methodology used to collect these data and the background of the surveyors. Finally, some of the estimates identified between 2009 and 2023 in the administrative and publishing fields are outlined
Contributo dei dialetti meridionali alla ricerca dell'etimo di 'fico dottato/ottato'
Get PDFItUna delle varietà più diffuse di fico è chiamata in italiano 'dottato' o 'ottato' il cui etimo continua a restare incerto. In questo articolo documenteremo che le diverse varianti di questa voce nei dialetti meridionali sono molto più numerose di quelle finora prese in considerazione e, constatando la connessione sia nelle forme che nella diffusione areale con le voci dialettali meridionali che denotano la grondaia/lo stillicidio, si ipotizza la stessa derivazione, cioè da continuatori del latino GUTTA.EnOne of the most widespread varieties of fig is called in Italian 'dottato' or 'ottato', whose etymology remains uncertain. In this article, we will document that the different variants of this term in southern dialects of Italy are much more numerous than those taken into consideration so far and, by observing the connection both in forms and in areal distribution with the southern dialectal terms that denote the gutter/dripping, we hypothesize the same derivation, that is from continuators of the Latin GUTTA
La guerra come saga: Telegram come dispositivo seriale nel conflitto russo-ucraino = War as Saga: Telegram as a Serializing Device in the Russo–Ukrainian Conflict
No full textThis article examines the role of Telegram in the construction and circulation of narratives about the Russian-Ukrainian war in Italy, arguing that the platform functions as a serializing device through which the conflict is organized into structured and recurring storylines. Drawing on a socio-semiotic and netnographic approach, the research analyses a corpus of institutional, non-institutional, anti-institutional and counter-institutional channels active in the Italian context between 2022 and 2024, reconstructing the logics through which Telegram organizes, legitimizes and stages antagonistic versions of the war. The analysis shows how the absence of a central visibility algorithm, the cross-platform vocation, the distributed architecture and the fringe status of Telegram foster the emergence of a rhizomatic narrative ecosystem. This ecosystem is characterized by initiatory access to channels, discovery-oriented practices, and a truth regime grounded in opposition to informational hegemony. Within this environment, narrator-performers - milbloggers, OSINT analysts, political influencers, institutional hubs - simultaneously act as characters within the fabula and as authentication devices for the narrative, producing a continuous dramaturgy of the conflict. The study identifies three main forms of seriality: a chronological seriality, anchored in specific theatres of war (Kyiv, Mariupol, Bakhmut); a thematic seriality, based on recurrent storylines ranging from fantasy sagas to spy stories, from conspiratorial frames to accusations of genocide or sabotage; and a mythic-memorial seriality, drawing on symbolic repertoires such as the Second World War, the orc/fantasy imaginary, or Russian patriotic mythology. Finally, the article shows how user experience acquires performative traits: users act as players engaged in quests of search, verification, decoding and counter-narration, turning Telegram into a hybrid environment midway between video games, competitive arena and ritual space. The platform thus not only hosts war narratives but also deeply shapes their serial form, their modes of legitimisation, and the symbolic conflict they enact
Serialità e comunicazione politica. I Big 5 e l'abbraccio populista = Seriality and Political Communication: The Big Five and the Populist Embrace
No full textThis paper analyses the relationship between seriality and political communication by focusing on the case of the Californian Ideology and the role of Big Tech in the current neopopulist phase. Building on Barbrook and Cameron's proposal, the Californian Ideology is read as a flexible narrative device, progressively "serialized" within public discourse: a format that combines libertarian countercultures, neoliberalism, technodeterminism and the cult of the entrepreneur, becoming the common sense of Silicon Valley elites. The essay reconstructs the genealogy of this ideological constellation and traces its most recent twists: from the media representation of a progressive, liberal Silicon Valley to the emergence of a tech right and a tecnodestra that intersect Trumpism, sovereigntism and "post-liberal" themes. Through the figures of Musk, Thiel, Andreessen and the "PayPal Mafia", the article shows how the serialization of myths, formats and storytelling - from techno-meritocratic self-help to the Promethean rhetoric of "techno-optimism" - fuels a political imaginary that legitimises the convergence between the techno-industrial complex and right-wing populism. The "populist embrace" between the Big Five and the Trump administration is thus interpreted not as a sudden shift to the right, but as the coherent outcome of long ideological trajectories in which the seriality of technical, managerial and salvific discourses contributes to redefining the field of political communication in the age of digital governmentality
Comunicazione istituzionale e fiducia alla sfida dei social media e dell'intelligenza artificiale = Public Sector Communication and Trust facing the challenge of social media and Artificial Intelligence
No full textIn a fragmented and polarized information environment, the growing distrust of citizens toward institutions represents one of the most urgent challenges for contemporary society. In this scenario, the study examines the role of social media and generative artificial intelligence in reshaping public communication practices and influencing institutional trust. Research questions focus on how public communicators perceive the challenges posed by social media and GenAI, and how these platforms impact on the relationship between institutions and citizens. This qualitative study involved 14 semi-structured interviews with public communication professionals working at European institutions. Findings highlights both the value and the risks associated with digital platforms: social media can facilitate citizen engagement and rapid information dissemination but can also amplify the spread of misinformation contributing to the loss of public trust. GenAI introduces further complexity and concerns about transparency and ethical standards. Findings underline the need for regulatory frameworks, ongoing professional development, and adaptive communication strategies to safeguard trust in public institutions
The Elephant in the Room. Change and Continuity in Arab Public Opinion on the Palestinian Cause after October 7th
Get PDFSince the founding of the State of Israel in 1947, the Palestinian issue has always been a major concern for people in the Middle East and North Africa, a divisive factor among governments in the area, and a cause of political polarization. However, with the emergence of the Arab Uprisings in 2010-2011 and the consequent sectarianization of regional political alliances, the Palestinian issue seemed to have lost its centrality, with some Arab countries increasingly inclined toward the recognition of the State of Israel and normalization of relations. On October 7, 2023, the Hamas-led attacks and subsequent Israeli retaliation brought the issue back to the center of regional and international debate, provoking outrage among citizens across the region and calling normalization processes back into question, demonstrating that the issue, dismissed at the élite-level, has not lost its relevance for the Arab public. How has Arab public opinion on the Palestinian issue changed in the years since the Arab Uprisings, and how has it changed since the October 7 attacks? Through a longitudinal analysis of the Arab Opinion Index, three interesting elements emerge. First, although in the period between 2011 and 2023 the Palestinian cause continued to be considered a regional and Arab cause rather than a national and Palestinian on by the majority of public opinion, that majority dramatically increased after Israeli retaliation, especially in the countries most likely to normalize relations with Israel. Second, public opinion continues to be overwhelmingly opposed to recognition of the state of Israel, but this figure fell further after October 7, and is particularly steep in countries where approval of recognition of Israel was relatively more widespread. Third, while from 2011 to 2023 Israel was considered the greatest threat to stability and security in the region, after the October 7 retaliation that role is filled by the United States
Figures of Political Engagement in Palestine: Between the Rationality of Defeat and that of Liberation
Get PDFIn the colonial context of Palestine, the field of political engagement has been shaped since its inception by two opposing rationales: a so-called 'rational and pragmatic' logic, and a logic of 'revolutionary sacrifice'. The former, influenced by a balance of power favorable to the Zionist occupation and its Western allies, reflects a 'realist" approach that accepts the colonial condition, perceived as inescapable, and therefore only seeks to optimize its management. Here, defeat is internalized as material inferiority, legitimizing pragmatic efforts to improve Palestinian lives within the existing order. In contrast, the logic of revolutionary liberation rejects defeat as long as resistance persists, with armed struggle offering a unifying response to the fragmentation imposed on Palestine. This opposition reflects a struggle for legitimacy between two value systems and competing visions of the social world. This article analyzes this structural antagonism through two ideal type figures of political engagement in contemporary Palestine: the technocrat, embodying the rationality of homo economicus, and the revolutionary freedom fighter, the fida'yi, representing the rationality of homo libertatis. These competing rationalities and meanings of political commitment in turn relate to two different 'Palestines': the 'Palestine of donors,' where the "new Palestinian" invests in state-building; and the anti-colonial "free Palestine," where militants place their struggle in continuity with the liberation movement of the 1960s and 1970s. By tracing transformations in political engagement since the 1960s, the article reconstructs the rise of the technocrat, who has progressively overshadowed the sacrificial freedom fighter, before analyzing the latter's recent resurgence