University of Northern British Columbia: Open Journal Systems
Not a member yet
560 research outputs found
Sort by
A descriptive framework to evaluate instrument packages for the low-carbon transition
No full textWe develop a descriptive framework to facilitate policy instrument evaluation in relation to the low-carbon transition. The framework consists of a stock-taking and mapping analysis based on five questions. Four questions allow the policy maker to take stock of the existing set of instruments and provide a description of the key attributes and incentive of individual instruments. These attributes are subsequently mapped to identifiers of market failures related to the transition. A fifth question considers the coherence of the mix or package of policy instruments that the instruments constitute. The result is an overview of the incentives for firms and households to contribute to the transition towards a decarbonised economy. This can then be used to evaluate whether the set of policy instruments can be improved. We apply our framework to the residential and commercial (buildings) sector in an ambitious country, Austria
Hirschman 2.0 or What Makes a Good Policy Advice System? A Theory of Policy Advice System Quality & Capacity
No full textNot everyone’s ideas count equally in terms of influencing and informing policy design and instrument choices. As the literature on policy advice has shown, policies are made by many different actors interacting with each other over relatively long timeframes. Actors within these ‘policy advisory systems’ interact within the confines of a set of political and economic institutions and governing norms and each brings with it different interests and resources. Understanding who these actors are, how they act and how this affects the overall nature of the advice system is a critical aspect of all public policy-making activity but not all of these elements have been equally well conceptualized or studied. In this article, the general nature of policy advice systems is set out, their major components described and a model of individual and organizational behavior within them outlined based on a modification of the Exit, Voice, Loyalty rubric of Albert Hirschman. The paper shows how individual organizational behaviour along the lines suggested by Hirschman can result in very different kinds of advice being provided by an advisory system, with predictable consequences for its nature and quality
What counts as evidence for policy? An analysis of policy actors’ perceptions
No full textvidence plays a growing role in public administration worldwide. We analyze the perceptions of policy actors, using Q methodology and a structured questionnaire, which reveals four types of profiles. Most policy actors did not fit neatly into an Evidence-Based Policy-Making (EBPM) group. Instead, they either had a pragmatic view where context and policy issues influence what counts as evidence, an inclu- sive position which emphasized the importance of considering a range of different types of evidence, or a political perspective where power relations and politics influence what counts as evidence. Our research also illustrates how different actors in the same community can have different perceptions of evidence, and how this can change over time due to experience and career trajectory
Strategic Electoral Dilemmas and the Politics of Teachers’ Unions in Ontario
Full text linkAbstractThis article seeks to explain both convergence and divergence in Ontario teacher union electoral strategy. After coalescing around a strategy of anti-Progressive Conservative (PC) strategic voting beginning with the 1999 provincial election, Ontario’s major teachers’ unions developed an electoral alliance with the McGuinty Liberals designed to advance teacher union priorities and mitigate the possibility of a return to power for the PCs. The authors use campaign finance and interview data to demonstrate that this ad hoc partnership was strengthened over the course of several election campaigns before the Liberal government’s decision to legislate restrictions on teacher union collective bargaining rights in 2012 led to unprecedented tension in the union-party partnership. The authors adapt the concept of union-party loyalty dilemmas to explain why individual teachers’ unions responded differently to the Liberal government’s efforts to impose austerity measures in the education sector.RésuméCet article vise à expliquer les convergences et divergences au sein des stratégies électorales des syndicats enseignants en Ontario. Après s’être ralliés à une approche de vote stratégique contre le Parti progressiste-conservateur (PPC) à partir des élections provinciales de 1999, les principaux syndicats enseignants de l’Ontario ont par la suite développé une alliance électorale avec les Libéraux de McGuinty afin de faire avancer leurs revendications et éviter un retour au pouvoir du PPC. Les auteurs s’appuient sur des données de financement des campagnes électorales ainsi que des entrevues afin de démontrer que ce partenariat ponctuel a été renforcé au cours de plusieurs campagnes électorales jusqu’à la décision du gouvernement libéral de faire adopter, en 2012, des restrictions aux droits de négociation collective des syndicats enseignants, conduisant ainsi à des tensions inédites au sein de cette alliance syndicats-parti. Les auteurs adaptent le concept de dilemmes de loyauté syndicat-parti afin d’expliquer pourquoi des syndicats enseignants ont répondu différemment aux efforts du gouvernement libéral d’imposer des mesures d’austérité dans le domaine de l’éducation.Keywords: unions; education; elections; Ontario; strategic votingMot-clés : syndicats; éducation; élections; Ontario; vote stratégiqu
Unboxing the vague notion of policy goals: Comparison of Croatian public policies
Full text linkThis study aims at empirically improving public policy theory by unfolding the concept of policy goals and con- tributing to their classifications. The research focuses on the thematic dimension of policy goals and investigates 11 Croatian governmental strategies using qualitative content analysis. The research identifies original policy goal types and classifies them into sector-, process-, evaluation-, in- strument-, and value-oriented goals. Article concludes with a more comprehensive definition of policy goals, as gov- ernmental statements about desired futures in relation to specific sectoral purposes, values, and principles in demo- cratic political systems, policymaking process improve- ments, necessary instrumental innovations, and evaluation standards that should be fulfilled. The application of this definition and developed goals’ classification reveals that elements of policy-process theories, evaluation research, policy design theory and instrument analysis, democracy theory, and sector-specific research need to be synthesized to better understand the concept of policy goals and to ad- vance their research
The impact of participatory policy formulation on regulatory legitimacy: the case of Great Britain’s Office of Gas and Electricity Markets (Ofgem)
Full text linkEnergy markets policy in Great Britain has been largely delegated from elected representatives to a market regulator: the Office of Gas and Electricity Markets (Ofgem). Regulatory legitimacy requires due process and appropriate expertise to expose the regulator to democratic influence. As the legitimacy of regulatory participation processes start to be discussed more intensively in the European context, this timely article examines the relationship between the use of policy formulation tools and the resulting legitimacy gained by an independent market regulator. It employs a detailed case study analysing how participatory policy formulation tools – deliberative focus groups with members of the public, and stakeholder consultations – were used in energy markets policy formulation in Ofgem between 2007 and 2016. Through assessing the actors, venues, capacities and effects associated with selection and use of the tools, it finds there were inequalities of influence between different policy actors which posed a significant challenge to legitimacy
Integrating Citizen Deliberation into Climate Governance: Lessons on Robust Design from Six Climate Assemblies
Full text linkRecent years have seen a ‘wave’ of national climate assemblies, which bring together randomly-selected citizens to deliberate and make recommendations on aspects of the climate crisis. Assessments of the legitimacy of these interventions and their capacity to improve climate governance have focused on their internal design characteristics, but the fundamental question of how they are integrated into complex constellations of political and policy institutions is underexplored. This article constructs a framework for understanding their integrative design characteristics, drawing on recent work on ‘robust governance’. The framework is used to explore the connection of six national-level climate assemblies with political institutions, public debate and civil society. Our findings highlight immense variety in the integrative design of these climate assemblies. This variety challenges the view of assemblies as a standardised object with predictable effects on legitimacy and governance capacity, whilst also refining deliberative systems theory’s highly abstracted conceptions of integration and impact
Discursive Black and Translucent Box Frames of Policy Work: How do Practitioners and Scholars Compare?
Full text linkAbstractPolicy work in government is often framed as existing in a “black box”. It is assumed that public administrators, as “insiders”, have more knowledge of policy development processes than those outside of government. Are black box narratives of policy work constructed by practitioners? Or is the idea of a “translucent” box more appropriate to understand policy work within the bureaucracy? Based on interviews with sub-national civil servants in one provincial government in Canada, this article finds that black box narratives are used by practitioners to understand policy work. I interpret these results to argue that a theory-practice gap does not necessarily exist when it comes to constructions of policy work: practitioners in the field, like scholars, employ black box narratives to frame policy work in the bureaucracy. Yet, academics may still find that translucent box theory provides a more nuanced way of understanding government’s internal policy processes.RésuméLe travail politique au sein du gouvernement est souvent présenté comme existant dans une « boîte noire». On suppose que les administrateurs publics, en tant qu’ « initiés », ont une meilleure connaissance des processus d'élaboration des politiques que ceux qui ne font pas partie du gouvernement. Les récits en boîte noire du travail politique sont-ils construits par les praticiens ? Ou l'idée d'une boîte « translucide » est-elle plus appropriée pour comprendre le travail politique au sein de la bureaucratie ? Sur la base d'entretiens avec des fonctionnaires infranationaux d'un gouvernement provincial au Canada, cet article constate que les récits de la boîte noire sont utilisés par les praticiens pour comprendre le travail politique. J'interprète ces résultats pour soutenir qu'un fossé théorie-pratique n'existe pas nécessairement lorsqu'il s'agit de constructions de travail politique : les praticiens sur le terrain, comme les universitaires, utilisent des récits de boîte noire pour encadrer le travail politique dans la bureaucratie. Pourtant, les universitaires peuvent toujours trouver que la théorie de la boîte translucide offre une manière plus nuancée de comprendre les processus politiques internes du gouvernement.Key Words: Black Box Theory, Qualitative Semi-Structured Interviews, Social Constructivist Coding, Prince Edward Island Civil Servants, Policy CapacityMots-clés : Théorie de la boîte noire, entretiens qualitatifs semi-structurés, codage constructiviste social, fonctionnaires de l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard, capacité des politique
Alberta’s Transition to a Two-Party System: The 2015 and 2019 Elections
Full text linkAbstractAlberta has historically been a one-party dominant system by electing a series of party dynasties from 1905 to 2015. However, Alberta started a transition to a two-party system when the NDP formed government following the 2015 election. This process was solidified with the 2019 election that saw the UCP and NDP as the only parties that won seats and received over 87% combined in the popular vote. The UCP (a consequence of a merger between the PCs and Wildrose Party) won a landslide election in 2019, but, unlike in previous Alberta elections, the former governing party did not disappear. The NDP won all but one seat in Edmonton, won seats in Calgary and Lethbridge, and re-elected Premier Rachel Notley and ten former Cabinet Ministers. Since the 2019 election, measures such as voter turnout, polling, fundraising, and the resilience of the UCP indicate the continuation of the two-party system. RésuméL'Alberta a toujours été un système à parti unique dominant en élisant une série de dynasties de partis de 1905 à 2015. Cependant, l'Alberta a entamé une transition vers un système à deux partis lorsque le NPD a formé le gouvernement après les élections de 2015. Ce processus s'est solidifié avec les élections de 2019 qui ont vu l'UCP et le NPD comme les seuls partis à avoir remporté des sièges et obtenu plus de 87 % combinés lors du vote populaire. L'UCP (conséquence d'une fusion entre les PC et le Wildrose Party) a remporté une élection écrasante en 2019, mais, contrairement aux précédentes élections albertaines, l'ancien parti au pouvoir n'a pas disparu. Le NPD a remporté tous les sièges sauf un à Edmonton, a remporté des sièges à Calgary et à Lethbridge et a réélu la première ministre Rachel Notley et dix anciens ministres du Cabinet. Depuis les élections de 2019, des mesures telles que la participation électorale, les sondages, la collecte de fonds et la résilience de l'UCP indiquent la poursuite du système bipartite.Key Words: Two-party system, One-party dominant system, 2015 Alberta Election, 2019 Alberta electionMots-clés; Système bipartite, Système dominant à parti unique, Élection albertaine 2015, Élection albertaine 201
The importance of policy design fit for effectiveness: a qualitative comparative analysis of policy integration in regional transport planning
Full text linkPolicy design has returned as a central topic in public policy research. An important area of policy design study deals with effectively attaining desired policy outcomes by align- ing goals and means to achieve policy design fit. So far, only a few empirical studies have explored the relationship between policy design fit and effectiveness. In this paper, we adopt the multilevel framework for policy design to determine which conditions of policy design fit—i.e., goal coherence, means consistency, and congruence of goals and means across policy levels—are necessary and/or sufficient for policy design effectiveness in the context of policy integration. To this end, we performed a qualitative comparative analysis of Dutch regional transport planning including all twelve provinces. Outcomes show no condition is necessary and two combinations of conditions are sufficient for effectiveness. The first sufficient combination confirms what the literature suggests, namely that policy design fit results in policy design effectiveness. The second indicates that the combination goal incoherence and incongruence of goals and means is sufficient for policy design effec- tiveness. An in-depth interpretation of this counterintuitive result leads to the conclusion that for achieving policy integration the supportive relationship between policy design fit and policy design effectiveness is less straightforward as theory suggests. Instead, results indicate there are varying degrees of coherence, consistency, and congruence that affect effectiveness in different ways. Furthermore, outcomes reveal that under specific circum- stances a policy design may be effective in promoting desired policy integration even if it is incoherent, inconsistent, and/or incongruent