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Disability Reproductive Justice During COVID-19 and Beyond
Get PDFThe United States is experiencing the convergence of two crises threatening the reproductive freedom of people with disabilities and other historically marginalized groups: the COVID-19 pandemic and a rising assault on reproductive rights, including the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision. This convergence has created a perfect storm, revealing the depth of existing reproductive injustices endured by disabled people and forcing a reckoning with the consequences of permitting such inequities to persist. As such, urgent attention by activists, scholars, legal professionals, and policymakers is necessary.
This Article proposes a vision for addressing the deeply entrenched reproductive injustices experienced by people with disabilities during and beyond the COVID-19 pandemic. First, it examines the persistent reproductive oppression of disabled people, including reproductive health and healthcare inequities, barriers to information, contraception, and abortion, risks to selfdetermination and autonomy, and parenting challenges and threats. Next, it presents disability reproductive justice and explains the significance of this jurisprudential and legislative framework for achieving reproductive freedom for people with disabilities during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, drawing from the disability reproductive justice framework, this Article concludes by suggesting legal and policy solutions to address disabled people’s immediate reproductive needs during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as a path forward for dismantling the roots of the longstanding reproductive inequities they experience. It also considers issues requiring further attention and inquiry
Biting the Hand that Feeds?: The Need for Independence and Impartiality in the Title IX Sexual Misconduct Investigation Process at Colleges and Universities
No full textThe pervasive nature of sexual assault on college campuses requires federal safeguards to ensure fair proceedings for both victims and perpetrators. The Association of American Universities (AAU) gathered information from thirty three universities and over 180,000 students and compiled a report on the AAU Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Sexual Misconduct (AAU Report). The AAU Report concluded that thirteen percent of respondents experienced nonconsensual sexual contact by physical force or inability to consent. Further, the rates of such nonconsensual sexual contact for women and undergraduate students was significantly higher than comparable contact for men and graduate students, with up to thirty-two percent of undergraduate women experiencing nonconsensual sexual contact by physical force or inability to consent. The AAU Report found that almost one in four undergraduate women experienced sexual assault or misconduct. According to the National Sexual Violence Resource Center, in the United States, around twenty percent of women and two-point-six percent of men will experience attempted or completed rape6 at some point in their lives
Washington College of Law Through the Years
No full texthttps://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/wcl_classphoto/1000/thumbnail.jp
Criminal Law, A Critical Approach
No full texthttps://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_bks/1275/thumbnail.jp
Sea Level Rise and Maritime Delimitation in the Eastern Caribbean: A Comparative Approach
Get PDFThank you, Mr. Moderator. Let me just start by thanking the organizers today for having me on the program, and I want to extend to everyone my gratitude for having me here today. I am going to look at, as the title suggests, sea level rise and maritime delimitation in the Eastern Caribbean, and I am going to take a comparative approach as I compare it with the Pacific–South Pacific region. I am going to take it that all protocols have been observed, and, in the interest of time, I will go straight through to my presentation with the one caveat that the views expressed today are mine only, despite my involvement in several of the agreements that I mention today
Stars, Stripes, and Surveillance: The United States\u27 Failure to Regulate Data Privacy
Get PDFIn the wake of the United States Supreme Court’s devastating decision to strip Americans of their constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, data privacy is more salient than ever. Without adequate data regulations, state governments and anti-abortion activists alike can harass and prosecute pregnant people attempting to exercise their bodily autonomy. This comment argues that the United States has violated its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 17 by failing to protect against interference with the use and collection of reproductive health data. Further, this comment analyzes interpretations of Article 17 to show that the United States is allowing arbitrary intrusions of privacy. Because the United States must act to comply with the ICCPR, this comment recommends that (1) the United States create and enter into regional data privacy regulations, (2) the United Nations Human Rights Committee update General Comment 16 to Article 17 to reflect technological advancements in data collection, and (3) the United States enact domestic legislation addressing reproductive health data and data privacy generally
Stars, Stripes, and Surveillance: The United States\u27 Failure to Regulate Data Privacy
Get PDFIn the wake of the United States Supreme Court\u27s devastating decision to strip Americans of their constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, data privacy is more salient than ever. Without adequate data regulations, state governments and anti-abortion activists alike can harass and prosecute pregnant people attempting to exercise their bodily autonomy. This comment argues that the United States has violated its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 17 by failing to protect against interference with the use and collection of reproductive health data. Further, this comment analyzes interpretations of Article 17 to show that the United States is allowing arbitrary intrusions of privacy. Because the United States must act to comply with the ICCPR, this comment recommends that (1) the United States create and enter into regional data privacy regulations, (2) the United Nations Human Rights Committee update General Comment 16 to Article 17 to reflect technological advancements in data collection, and (3) the United States enact domestic legislation addressing reproductive health data and data privacy generally
It\u27s Time to Trash Consumer Responsibility for Plastics: An Analysis of Extended Producer Responsibility Laws\u27 Sucess in Maine
Get PDFConsumer responsibility for waste is a historic relic, dating back to a time when nearly all of a consumer’s waste was compostable, reusable, or marketable. Today, with the rise of plastics and complex goods like electronics, consumers lack the expertise, time, and ability to personally break down the products they consume for reuse. Much of our household waste goes to the curb and into a single stream of municipal solid waste (“MSW”). This includes a variety of wastes which each require specialized processing. Recycling this complex waste falls to municipalities which are woefully underfunded and underqualified to process such complex and dangerous waste. Solutions beyond consumer responsibility, like Extended Producer Responsibility (“EPR”), are needed to mitigate the costs and environmental impacts associated with modern MSW
Using Federal Public Lands to Model a New Energy Future: Why the Biden Administration Should Prioritize Renewable Energy Development on Public Lands
Get PDFOil and gas extraction on public lands and waters is responsible for twenty percent of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions. If American public lands were their own country, they would be the fifth-largest greenhouse gas emitter in the world. As of 2020, only twenty percent of total U.S. electricity generation came from renewable energy sources. While renewable energy development on public lands has increased, most renewable energy comes from private lands. However, public lands contain immense renewable energy potential; for example, it is estimated that half of this country’s geothermal resources are found on public lands. Despite underutilized renewable energy potential on public lands, wind and solar development is multiplying. Moreover, thanks to rapid technological advancements and government incentives, renewable energy is now cost-competitive with fossil fuels and continues to decrease— new wind and solar power plants are often less expensive than new coal and natural gas power plants.
The diffuse public benefits of renewables are irrefutable. Unfortunately, the case for renewable energy (“RE”) development on public lands must contend with the regulatory burdens of longstanding environmental laws such as NEPA and ESA, state and local “NIMBYism”, and environmental groups concerned about adverse impacts to open space, plant and animal species, and hunting and other recreational uses. Despite these criticisms, the current statutory framework amply supports renewable energy development on federal public lands and should be prioritized to meet the Biden Administration’s and Congress’ ambitious renewable energy goals