PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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Editorial: Nature, resources, conflicts: Fights for the global valorisation of land and raw materials
No full textEditorial: Natur, Ressourcen, Konflikte: Kämpfe um die globaleInwertsetzung von Land und RohstoffenEditorial: Nature, resources, conflicts: Fights for the global valorisation of land and raw material
For a labour turn in the environmental justice movement: Struggles over the social relations of nature and strategies for social-ecological transformation.
No full textOliver Pye: For a labour turn in the environmental justice movement. Struggles over the social relations of nature and strategies for social-ecological transformation. This article discusses struggles in the social relations of nature and how these relate to strategies of socialecological transformation and calls for a labour turn in the environmental and climate justice movement. Taking the rapid changes to the social-ecological landscape of the Kapuas River in Indonesia as a starting point, it shows how this “accumulation by dispossession” is connected to a “corporate food regime” that is embedded within global “postfordist relations of nature”. I then argue that the global production networks linking appropriation to exploitation should themselves be viewed as alienated steps in the social metabolism with nature. Struggles against accumulation by dispossession need to connect to the labour movement, which holds the key to overcome the alienated work that lies at the heart of society’s alienation with nature.Oliver Pye: For a labour turn in the environmental justice movement. Struggles over the social relations of nature and strategies for social-ecological transformation. This article discusses struggles in the social relations of nature and how these relate to strategies of socialecological transformation and calls for a labour turn in the environmental and climate justice movement. Taking the rapid changes to the social-ecological landscape of the Kapuas River in Indonesia as a starting point, it shows how this “accumulation by dispossession” is connected to a “corporate food regime” that is embedded within global “postfordist relations of nature”. I then argue that the global production networks linking appropriation to exploitation should themselves be viewed as alienated steps in the social metabolism with nature. Struggles against accumulation by dispossession need to connect to the labour movement, which holds the key to overcome the alienated work that lies at the heart of society’s alienation with nature
Editorial: Labour and Value Creation in Digital Capitalism
No full textEditorial: Arbeit und Wertschöpfung im digitalen KapitalismusEditorial: Labour and Value Creation in Digital Capitalis
Market coupling and process determinism in digitized industrial enterprises: A criticism of the promise of democratization of the industry 4.0 discussion
No full textThrough the ongoing debate different positions support the hypothesis that Industry 4.0 evokes decentralization in everyday works. In this article we argue that the technological premises of Industry 4.0 lead to the contrary: centralized planning ensuing from optimized adaptation to the imperatives of the market. We exemplify this pattern, that we named ‘determinated procedure’, through exemplary cases from different industrial branches. Furthermore, we argue that (indeed) existing decentral moments neither amount to structural decentralization nor to humanizing and empowering concessions to employees, but rather primarily serve to their integration into the enterprise and mobilization of their production intelligence.Through the ongoing debate different positions support the hypothesis that Industry 4.0 evokes decentralization in everyday works. In this article we argue that the technological premises of Industry 4.0 lead to the contrary: centralized planning ensuing from optimized adaptation to the imperatives of the market. We exemplify this pattern, that we named ‘determinated procedure’, through exemplary cases from different industrial branches. Furthermore, we argue that (indeed) existing decentral moments neither amount to structural decentralization nor to humanizing and empowering concessions to employees, but rather primarily serve to their integration into the enterprise and mobilization of their production intelligence
The problem of the left with the technique: An interjection from the engine room
No full textWithin the left discourse concerning technology there is a tendency to regard new technologies like the computer and the internet either as blessing or as curse. While some scholars are suggesting that the new so called digital economy is leading us to a new post-capitalist society ruled by a “general intellect”, others fear that “big data” and digital control will inevitably strengthen the power of state and capital. The article uses Marx’ critique of capital as a fetish as a framework and argues that the blessing-curse-discourse is – on both sides – only replicating the fetish character instead of criticizing it. The critical discourse about technology should focus more on the relationship between new forms of struggles linked to new technologies, leave the walled off academic sphere, and abandon the blessing-curse-debate.Within the left discourse concerning technology there is a tendency to regard new technologies like the computer and the internet either as blessing or as curse. While some scholars are suggesting that the new so called digital economy is leading us to a new post-capitalist society ruled by a “general intellect”, others fear that “big data” and digital control will inevitably strengthen the power of state and capital. The article uses Marx’ critique of capital as a fetish as a framework and argues that the blessing-curse-discourse is – on both sides – only replicating the fetish character instead of criticizing it. The critical discourse about technology should focus more on the relationship between new forms of struggles linked to new technologies, leave the walled off academic sphere, and abandon the blessing-curse-debate
State of emergency? Going on as before is no longer possible: Objection to the contribution of the PROKLA editorial board: Global capitalism in a state of emergency
No full textThe comment takes a critical look at the article “Global Capitalism in a State of Emergency” written by the editorial board and published in PROKLA 185. It appreciates the analytical and political intensions of the article but questions the appropriateness of the term “state of emergency” to characterize global capitalism in its current conditions. It also deplores the lack of consequences of the analysis for the most pressing issue of the rise of right-wing groups and governments in Europe and the USA. In this respect, the comment suggests two topics which urgently deserve the attention of the Left. The first one concerns the reasons for the rise of the Right. The comment argues against the assumption of striking parallels to the rise of fascism in the 1920 and 1930s, proposes an alternative view (the undermining of institutionalized social reciprocity in decades of prevailing neoliberalism), and draws some conclusions. The second topic concerns the overrepresentation of workers among the supporters of right-wing parties. Here the comment calls upon the Left to embark on policies which aim at the regeneration of working-class consciousness and not to go for compromises with nationalism and xenophobia.The comment takes a critical look at the article “Global Capitalism in a State of Emergency” written by the editorial board and published in PROKLA 185. It appreciates the analytical and political intensions of the article but questions the appropriateness of the term “state of emergency” to characterize global capitalism in its current conditions. It also deplores the lack of consequences of the analysis for the most pressing issue of the rise of right-wing groups and governments in Europe and the USA. In this respect, the comment suggests two topics which urgently deserve the attention of the Left. The first one concerns the reasons for the rise of the Right. The comment argues against the assumption of striking parallels to the rise of fascism in the 1920 and 1930s, proposes an alternative view (the undermining of institutionalized social reciprocity in decades of prevailing neoliberalism), and draws some conclusions. The second topic concerns the overrepresentation of workers among the supporters of right-wing parties. Here the comment calls upon the Left to embark on policies which aim at the regeneration of working-class consciousness and not to go for compromises with nationalism and xenophobia
That “terrible first section: On Louis Althusser’s Critique of the Marxian Theory of Value
No full textThis paper reconstructs Louis Althusser’s criticism of the first section of Capital and the notion of fetishism. It argues that Marx’s theory of value is not properly conceivable on the basis of Althusser’s theory of science. Therefore, his rejection of value form analysis and the concept of economic mystification is a logical consequence of his epistemological positions.This paper reconstructs Louis Althusser’s criticism of the first section of Capital and the notion of fetishism. It argues that Marx’s theory of value is not properly conceivable on the basis of Althusser’s theory of science. Therefore, his rejection of value form analysis and the concept of economic mystification is a logical consequence of his epistemological positions
Cybernetics and control: Algorithmic work control and domination in companies
No full textThis paper analyses algorithmic control in labour processes as cybernetization of production. It starts from two empirical cases, the process management system Salesforce and sensor-based feedback systems for industrial production. In both cases, we conducted interviews with managers, developers and workers. From this basis, we argue that feedback-based cybernetic control constitutes a new quality of domination in the context of capitalist labour. The central vision put forward by the steering personnel interviewed by us is one of controlled self-organization of labour processes. This vision in turn is grounded on the elimination of cognitive planning and hierarchical order and therefore contrasted with human reflexivity on the level of the worker as well as the manager. Contrasting visions of cybernetic control with theories of reflexive action, we argue that cybernetics can be understood as the attempt to solve the “reflexivity problem” of modern control systems.This paper analyses algorithmic control in labour processes as cybernetization of production. It starts from two empirical cases, the process management system Salesforce and sensor-based feedback systems for industrial production. In both cases, we conducted interviews with managers, developers and workers. From this basis, we argue that feedback-based cybernetic control constitutes a new quality of domination in the context of capitalist labour. The central vision put forward by the steering personnel interviewed by us is one of controlled self-organization of labour processes. This vision in turn is grounded on the elimination of cognitive planning and hierarchical order and therefore contrasted with human reflexivity on the level of the worker as well as the manager. Contrasting visions of cybernetic control with theories of reflexive action, we argue that cybernetics can be understood as the attempt to solve the “reflexivity problem” of modern control systems
The neoliberal pension reform in Germany and its genesis: From life assurance to the poverty of old age for millions
No full textThe reform of the old age pension scheme the last twenty years was part of an international transformation process of the old-age insurance systems since the 1980s. The core element is the conversion from the pay-as-you-go systems to capital-funded models with a shifting to individual provision and risk taking. This politically intended break shows fatal distributional and economic effects in the present. Neither a more stable, more cost-effective, more efficient old-age insurance could be established for the majority of employees, nor did the capital market-financed pension system automatically promote innovation and economic growth. In the end, most of the political promises and allegations of the reformists have already been rejected by real social and economic developments. Poverty among the elderly will rise in the near future dramatically due to the deformation of the statutory pension system, the great distortions on the labour market and rising inequality. Nevertheless, the pension consensus still holds at the moment but a radical paradigm shift and a clear revision of past reforms are overdue. The reform of the old age pension scheme the last twenty years was part of an international transformation process of the old-age insurance systems since the 1980s. The core element is the conversion from the pay-as-you-go systems to capital-funded models with a shifting to individual provision and risk taking. This politically intended break shows fatal distributional and economic effects in the present. Neither a more stable, more cost-effective, more efficient old-age insurance could be established for the majority of employees, nor did the capital market-financed pension system automatically promote innovation and economic growth. In the end, most of the political promises and allegations of the reformists have already been rejected by real social and economic developments. Poverty among the elderly will rise in the near future dramatically due to the deformation of the statutory pension system, the great distortions on the labour market and rising inequality. Nevertheless, the pension consensus still holds at the moment but a radical paradigm shift and a clear revision of past reforms are overdue. 
Crisis of Facts? On Truth and Falsehood in Politics and the Challenges for Social Criticism
No full textTrump‘s electoral victory, Brexit, the emergence of the AfD or the strength of right-wing politics in France and Austria indicate a new era of the political in which neoliberal hegemony is being increasingly challenged from the right. The current shift to the far right goes hand in hand with a new quantity and quality of lies and falsehoods. Consequently, many commentators have diagnosed the emergence of a ‘post truth society’. Beginning with an overview of this debate, this article assesses the ‘post truth’ diagnosis and challenges not only the new dimension of lies but also the truth claims of critics. The article argues that we will not be able to understand the characteristics and perils of the post truth society if we do not address the anti-pluralist and elitist neoliberal technocracy of the recent past. The critique of the liberal critique of Trump & Co. raises the question of what an emancipatory social criticism of far-right falsehoods might look like that does not reaffirm liberal dominance on one side and the resurgence of powerful positivist truth claims on the other.Trump‘s electoral victory, Brexit, the emergence of the AfD or the strength of right-wing politics in France and Austria indicate a new era of the political in which neoliberal hegemony is being increasingly challenged from the right. The current shift to the far right goes hand in hand with a new quantity and quality of lies and falsehoods. Consequently, many commentators have diagnosed the emergence of a ‘post truth society’. Beginning with an overview of this debate, this article assesses the ‘post truth’ diagnosis and challenges not only the new dimension of lies but also the truth claims of critics. The article argues that we will not be able to understand the characteristics and perils of the post truth society if we do not address the anti-pluralist and elitist neoliberal technocracy of the recent past. The critique of the liberal critique of Trump & Co. raises the question of what an emancipatory social criticism of far-right falsehoods might look like that does not reaffirm liberal dominance on one side and the resurgence of powerful positivist truth claims on the other