PROKLA - Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft
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The ‘Berliner Mietenvolksentscheid’ as a condensation of changed relationship of forces.: Between the Berlin decision on rents and the "Wohnraumversorgungsgesetz" (Housing Supply Act)
No full textThis article discusses the struggles of urban social movements for a de-neoliberalisation of housing policies in Poulantzian terms as a “condensation of the relationship of forces”. Drawing on an empirical analysis of the “Berliner Mietenvolksentscheid” (Berlin rent referendum), which was partially successful in forcing the city government of Berlin to adopt a more progressive housing policy, the article argues that urban social movements have the capacity to challenge neoliberal housing regimes. However, the specific materiality of the state apparatus and its strategic selectivity both limit the scope of intervention for social movements aiming at empowerment and non-hierarchical decision-making.This article discusses the struggles of urban social movements for a de-neoliberalisation of housing policies in Poulantzian terms as a “condensation of the relationship of forces”. Drawing on an empirical analysis of the “Berliner Mietenvolksentscheid” (Berlin rent referendum), which was partially successful in forcing the city government of Berlin to adopt a more progressive housing policy, the article argues that urban social movements have the capacity to challenge neoliberal housing regimes. However, the specific materiality of the state apparatus and its strategic selectivity both limit the scope of intervention for social movements aiming at empowerment and non-hierarchical decision-making
Urban citizenship ‘light’: Migration and diversity in the neoliberal city
No full textIn recent years, the concept of ‘urban citizenship’ has become an important reference for cities and municipalities positioning themselves in the context of the European border and migration regime. However, the reference often falls short. Especially in the case of urban policies focusing on ‘diversity’, the affinity to neoliberal ideas of citizenship is noticeable. The article analyses the European ‘Intercultural Cities Programme’ (ICC), in which more than 100 cities participate, as an example for this trend. Here, the meaning of citizenship is being shifted In recent years, the concept of ‘urban citizenship’ has become an important reference for cities and municipalities positioning themselves in the context of the European border and migration regime. However, the reference often falls short. Especially in the case of urban policies focusing on ‘diversity’, the affinity to neoliberal ideas of citizenship is noticeable. The article analyses the European ‘Intercultural Cities Programme’ (ICC), in which more than 100 cities participate, as an example for this trend. Here, the meaning of citizenship is being shifted  
Is there a threat of a new substandard? Or: What happens if the housing shortage is not remedied?
No full textThe growing lack of housing supply includes the risk that a new type of substandard housing emerges in Germany. The decrease of flats’ size and quality as well as architectural standard is a threatening way to build „affordable“ future homes for those, who fall through the cracks of the current housing market. Due to the limited welfare states engagement on the one hand and private capitalist activity on the other hand, we are currently witnessing a trend to develop second class houses, mostly for students and refugee accomodations. If the housing supply crisis will not be solved, this new substandard will extend to larger parts of the housing market.The growing lack of housing supply includes the risk that a new type of substandard housing emerges in Germany. The decrease of flats’ size and quality as well as architectural standard is a threatening way to build „affordable“ future homes for those, who fall through the cracks of the current housing market. Due to the limited welfare states engagement on the one hand and private capitalist activity on the other hand, we are currently witnessing a trend to develop second class houses, mostly for students and refugee accomodations. If the housing supply crisis will not be solved, this new substandard will extend to larger parts of the housing market
On direct violence in capitalist work relationships - and on Philosophy of History: The analytical concept of violence in capitalism
No full textLaut Marx ist Gewalt in den Grundstrukturen des Kapitalismus verankert. Einmal durch die sogenannte ursprüngliche Akkumulationen etabliert, funktioniert ihre Reproduktion ohne weiteren Rückgriff auf direkte Gewalt. Während in den großstädtischen kapitalistischen Gesellschaften die Kämpfe der organisierten Arbeiter und Arbeiterinnen sowie der Staat die Praktiken der direkten Gewalt reduziert haben, blieb sie am Rande dieser Gesellschaften sowie in den Kolonien präsent. Aber seit der Globalisierung des Kapitalismus müssen die Praktiken der direkten Gewalt als Elemente seines normalen Funktionierens anerkannt werden. Marx hat zwar zu Recht darauf hingewiesen, dass die Reproduktion des Kapitalismus nicht auf der Praxis der direkten Gewalt beruht. Aber diese historische Möglichkeit ist nicht mit der tatsächlichen Entwicklung des Kapitalismus zu verwechseln. Die Geschichte des Kapitalismus negiert die marxistische Geschichtsphilosophie.According to Marx, violence is anchored in the basic structures of capitalism. Once established by the so-called original accumulations, their reproduction functions without further recourse to direct violence. While in metropolitan capitalist societies the struggles of organized workers and the state have reduced the practices of direct violence, it has remained present on the margins of these societies and in the colonies. But since the globalization of capitalism, the practices of direct violence must be recognized as elements of its normal functioning. Marx rightly pointed out that the reproduction of capitalism is not based on the practice of direct violence. But this historical possibility should not be confused with the actual development of capitalism. The history of capitalism negates the Marxist philosophy of history
Editorial: Automobility, ecology, crisis
Get PDFEditorial PROKLA 193: Automobilität, Ökologie, KriseAutomobility, ecology, crisi
The role of low-wage peripheries in the global automotive value chains: The case of Central Eastern Europe.
No full textDie Rolle von Niedriglohnperipherien in den globalen Wertschöpfungsketten der Automobilindustrie. Der Fall Mittelosteuropas. Welche Perspektiven bietet die Inklusion in die globalen Wertschöpfungsketten der Automobilindustrie für Niedriglohnperipherien? Am Beispiel Mittelosteuropas zeigt der vorliegende Artikel eine ambivalente Entwicklung. Auf der einen Seite haben die mittelosteuropäischen Standorte der Automobilindustrie eine tiefgreifende Modernisierung von Produkten und Technologien durchlaufen. Auf der anderen Seite bleibt die Region höchst abhängig von Verbrennungsmotortechnologien, während Innovationsaktivitäten im Bereich von Zukunftstechnologien (z.B. Elektromobilität) sehr begrenzt sind. Zudem hat die Dominanz neoliberaler Politikstrategien in Mittelosteuropa eine Entkopplung der wirtschaftlichen von der sozialen Entwicklung in Form stagnierender Löhne sowie fehlender Investitionen in Aus- und Weiterbildung gefördert.Which chances does the inclusion into the global value chains of the automotive industry offer for low-wage peripheries? The case of Central Eastern Europe shows a contradictory development. On the one hand, the automotive industry in Central Eastern Europe has experienced a profound modernization of products and technologies. On the other hand, the region remains highly dependent on the combustion engine technology while innovation activities directed to future technologies (e.g., electromobility) are lacking. In addition, the dominance of neoliberal policy recipes in the region has led to a decoupling of economic and social development, to wage stagnation and the lack of investments in skills and education
Kapitalakkumulation, Staatseingriffe und Lohnbewegung
Get PDFKapitalakkumulation, Staatseingriffe und Lohnbewegun
Editorial: The (new) housing question
Get PDFEditorial: Zur (neuen) WohnungsfrageEditorial: The (new) housing questio
Critique of Conditions and Critique of Categories: On the death of Elmar Altvater (1938-2018)
No full textZum Tod von Elmar Altvater (1938–2018)On the death of Elmar Altvater (1938-2018
Visegrád-4 and the EU: Between dependence and partial dissidence
No full textDer Beitrag setzt sich mit der Positionierung der Länder der Visegrád-Gruppe zum EU-Integrationsprojekt auseinander. Diese lässt infolge der Krise seit 2008 unterschiedliche Nuancen erkennen. In Ungarn und Polen haben mit Fidesz und PiS Kräfte die Wahlen gewonnen, die auf eine Stärkung des einheimischen Kapitals gegenüber dem Auslandskapital setzen. Für eine solche Politik hat die große Krise Spielräume geschaffen. Gleichzeitig hat sie zu einer skeptischeren Haltung in der Bevölkerung der Visegrád-Länder gegenüber dem EU-Integrationsprojekt geführt. In dieser veränderten Konstellation haben sich speziell die Rechtsregierungen in Ungarn und Polen mit Vorstellungen eines „Europa der Vaterländer“ eigenständiger positioniert. In der Tschechischen Republik und der Slowakei sind die Neupositionierungen vorsichtiger. Als einziges Mitglied der Eurozone unter den Visegrád-Ländern ist die Slowakei auf den Verbleib im institutionellen Kern der EU orientiert. Generell stellt die untergeordnete Anbindung der Visegrád-Länder an den deutschen Exportindustriekomplex eine Begrenzung für Bestrebungen einer eigenständigeren EU-Politik dar.The Visegrád Group has started to voice viewpoints on the integration policies that dissent from the core group around Germany. On the one hand, this is an expression of widespread disenchantment with the European integration process, which has been partially a consequence of the “great crisis” and EU crisis management. On the other hand, incipient disintegration processes have created spaces for the peripheral Central East European states to take a stance against core countries. The Visegrád group is, however, not homogeneous. In Hungary and Poland, national conservative forces were voted into office in the wake of the “great crisis”. These governments strive to strengthen the role of domestic capital. Thus, there power blocks have been re-configured. This has had consequences for the EU policies. While the PiS and Fidesz government do not question the single market, they aim at strengthening the role of national governments in the EU. In the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the externally orientated power block has not been shaken to the same extent though the political party system is in profound restructuring. As the only euro zone country among the Visegrád countries, Slovakia aims to be part of the institutional core of the EU, i.e. the euro zone. The subordinate integration into the German export industrial complex limits the spaces for autonomous policies in the Visegrád countries