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Melancholy Gender and Compulsory Sexuality: Theoretical Considerations on Asexual “Erasure”
Get PDFJudith Butler’s theory of melancholy gender echoes some findings in
asexuality studies; however, it does not consider asexual agency. Thus, this
article aims to review Butler’s literature from the standpoint of asexuality
studies. I argue that Freudian theory denies the possibility of asexuality
because of its hypothesis of primary narcissism. Similar to melancholia,
primary narcissism has the “trace” of the object. However, Butler overlooks
the significant difference between melancholia and primary narcissism. Unlike
melancholia, primary narcissism is not marked by the experience of selfberatement;
thus, it does not contain any affects that can be converted to
political expression. In the system of compulsory sexuality, asexuality can be
situated in a similar position. Based on the above points, I refer to the
prohibition of homosexuality in melancholia as “foreclosure” and the denial
of asexuality in primary narcissism as “erasure.” In this way, Butler’s
framework is extended in order to theorize the possibility of resistance in
asexuality.departmental bulletin pape
Event Report：A Conversation Between Sayaka Murata and Ginny Tapley Takemori: Gender, Literature and Translation
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『ノルウェイの森』からみるエロティシズム
Get PDF村上春樹は現代日本を代表する作家の一人であり、国際的に幅広く読者層を獲得してきた。その作風からは、平易で読みやすい日本語や英語的な文体といった文章の面での特徴や、若者や恋愛、歴史問題、音楽、西洋文化といった主題や構成要素の面での特徴が挙げられる。こうした特徴と並んで、村上作品は大量の性的描写によっても性格づけられる。しかしこの点について、これまでその理由や機能が十分に理解されてきたとは言えない。
二〇一八年には、村上春樹の長編小説『騎士団長殺し』がわいせつな性描写のために香港において18 歳未満への販売が禁止されたというニュースが一時的に話題になった。この件は村上春樹の性的描写に関する評価にマイナスの影響を及ぼしていると考えられる。以上のことを踏まえた結果、現在に至るまで、村上春樹の性的描写は美的表現と評価されていないどころか、むしろ批判的に論じられていることが伺える。
代表作である『ノルウェイの森』においても、筋の展開に合わせて複数の性的描写が書き込まれているが、この小説の内容を青春や恋愛から捉える立場に比べて、性から理解しようとする立場は少ない。
そこで、本稿では『ノルウェイの森』において、原文の分析という視点から、その性的描写を具体的に分析し、その描写をエロティシズムと関連づけ考察を試みる。本研究では村上春樹作品における性的描写が担わされた役割を明らかにすることを通して、世界における村上春樹受容及び村上春樹作品への評価に貢献できることが期待される。正誤表ありdepartmental bulletin pape
「地獄変」試論 : 芸術における死の意味
Get PDF本稿では、屏風絵地獄変の誕生に関わる絵師良秀、小猿、良秀の娘の死に着目し、それぞれをいかに理解すべきかを追及し、芸術における死の意味を突き止める。そして「戯作三昧」における馬琴像との関係性を踏まえ、芥川が本作を通して求めようとした芸術家のあるべき姿を明らかにする。
先行研究では、芸術と権力、芸術と生活という二項対立の前提の下で、良秀の死が芸術至上の表現か、生活への敗北かと言われ続けてきた。けれども、小猿の死と良秀の娘の死を合わせて考えれば、むしろ「地獄変」は芸術対生活の構図から脱構築の作品として読める。小猿の殉死の前後に見られる良秀の表情の変化からすると、その死があってからこそ、良秀は家族愛という世俗観から抜け出し、完全な芸術家へ進化することに成功したといえる。小猿の人間的な一面に引き立てる良秀の原始的で野性的な意欲が、目の前の地獄よりも地獄である現実を受け止めさせたのであろう。良秀の意図的な自殺により、これまで亀裂のある良秀の両面が統合し、完全な芸術家かつ完全な人間像が完成する。良秀の死のタブー化と、威厳に感じられる屏風図より、命の代わりに永遠に超えられない芸術的な地位という良秀、いわば作者芥川の野心は実現したと指摘できる。また、良秀の娘の死は彼女が自主的に選んだものであり、父親の芸術に献身したといえる。彼女の悲劇的な死があったからこそ、地獄変の芸術的価値が昇華される。小猿、娘、良秀の死により、芸術至上のテーゼが見とれる同時に、世間の五常もまっとうとしている。このような設定により、芸術と生活の対立は和解され、立体的で人間らしい芸術家の形象が成り立つこととなる。
「地獄変」での大胆な試みの以前に、芥川は「戯作三昧」で芸術家を悩ませる外部的な影響要素と戦いながら、やっとのことで初心に咲き返し、一時的な三昧地を手に入れた馬琴像を構築した。しかし馬琴が到達した非日常的な空間はあくまで一時的なものであり、それが良秀の場合になると、その自殺により永遠なものとなってしまう。日常に縛り付けられる馬琴が人間の五常を凌駕する良秀へ変身するところに、売文、家族などに縛り付けられている芥川は作品の世界で、徹底的に芸術創作に取り込み、完全な芸術家となるという野心を実現したといえよう。departmental bulletin pape
Kenzan’s Edo Period and its Legacy
Get PDFOgata Kenzan (1663-1743) was born and raised in Kyoto and built his illustrious career as a ceramic designer in that city. However in his final years he chose to move to Edo, where he worked until his death. Although there is a paucity of evidence for this period, this article considers Kenzan’s motivations, his interactions with elite patrons and local ceramics workshops in Edo, and finally how that legacy resonated for later professionals and amateurs who variously evoked his name and techniques.
A consensus in Kenzan studies is that in these Edo years (ca.1731-1743) he was supported by Prince Kôkan (1697-1738), the third son of Emperor Higashiyama and the nephew of Kenzan’s longtime Kyoto patron Nijô Tsunahira (1670-1732). This is corroborated in a 1737-dated letter by Kenzan relating that he had arranged an audience with the prince for some acquaintances (coll. Osaka Municipal Museum), and a 1738-dated lamentation written by Kenzan upon the death of the prince (coll. Yamato Bunkakan).
Posthumously, the 1820 pamphlet Sumidagawa hanayashiki (ex-Keio Library coll.) and the
1854 painting history Koga bikô related that Kenzan lived in Iriya, located in the lowland just east of Ueno terrace, where Kôkan presided as abbot of the Tendai-sect center Kan’eiji.
The circumstances of Kenzan’s death were also credibly described in a period diary of a Kan’eiji official named Honma, but only known from an 1895 article in the newspaper Yamato shinbun. To build upon these few references, the authors investigated the ritual and informal activities of Kôkan by consulting documents such as the Tokugawa jikki (Chronicles of the Tokugawa), diaries preserved in the Tendai-sect archive Eizan Bunko in Ôtsu, and anecdotal evidence from temples, shrines, and secular sources, particularly a collection of anecdotes entitled Getsudô kenmonshû (Moon hall eyewitness records). While none of these materials directly mention Kenzan, the authors tried to demonstrate that 1) there was precedent among the Kan’eiji abbots for introducing aspects of Kyoto culture into Edo, and 2) Kôkan had proclivities in poetry, painting and calligraphy that would have made Kenzan a welcome companion.
After comprehensively surveying the documentary evidence for early ceramics activities in Edo, the article’s focus moves to Iriya. Until now the only documentary evidence for ceramics production there was the Shinpen Musashi fudoki kô (New edition gazetteer for Musashi; 1810-1828), which briefly describes vernacular and official pottery activities in the village. However we were able to find a reference to pottery making in “Sakamoto,” which overlaps geographically with Iriya, in the 1735 sequel volume of the city guide Edo sunago (Gold dust of Edo). Presumably Iriya, together with the better known Imado kilns just to its east, began to develop in response to popular demand at the turn of the 18th century. An Iriya potter named Kyûsaku is named in Tôki densho (Ceramics manual), a ca. 1737 notebook attributed to Sano (Tochigi) hobbyist Ôkawa Kendô, surveyed by the authors in vol. 51 of this journal. Although not directly related to Kenzan, we were able to produce further evidence as to when Iriya gained status an an official pottery producer: the government-appointed earthenware maker (on-doki-shi) Matsui Shinzaemon,
previously recorded as based in Ueno Chôjamachi, Asakusa, is listed as headquartered in Iriya as an official potter in the 1774 samurai directory Daimyo bukan.
In the previous issue of this journal the authors considered how the Kenzan technical legacy was passed down among designated successors: the so-called Kenzan line of potters. However there is also one other Kenzan legacy, and that is how his techniques were used or otherwise regarded by potters outside the Kenzan succession. Evidence for this can be found in the dozens of pottery manuals written by professional and amateur potters, which cluster in the second half of the Edo period. The authors surveyed about thirty of these manuals to determine how Kenzan was characterized. A bridge between Kenzan himself and this coterie is found in Uchigama hisho (Secrets for glazed earthenware), a group of Kenzan recipes copied out in Edo in 1766. In the dedicatory page at the end, an otherwise unnamed (second-generation) Kenzan relates that when he was given this information he was told by (the first) Kenzan that the techniques did not constitute a title transmission and that they could be shared freely. By the 1790s the thirdgeneration Edo Banko-ware potter Asajisei San’a was allowing copies to be made of another “secret” Kenzan manual that originated in Kyoto, called Tôki mippôsho (Ceramic secrets, ca. 1750). In the second decade of the nineteenth century, professional potters back in Kyoto like Aoki Mokubei (1767-1833) were listing “Kenzan” recipes, but these references are eclipsed by those of amateurs in the decades that followed. Most of those are recipe lists whose titles included the term “rakuyaki,” which by this time connoted lowtemperature lead-glazed ceramics made for pleasure rather than the tea ceremony wares made professionally by the Raku family in Kyoto. The surge of interest is evidenced in a forlorn potter portrayed in the 1825 Imayô shokunin zukushi utaawase (Modern-style poetry contest using the theme of craftsmen) who grumbles, “What a nuisance...the recent fad for amateur raku-yaki has taken away all my business!” The manuals of these enthusiasts often cite Kenzan’s invention of a white pigment. This was a mixture of glass frit, white clay from Kyushu, and lead carbonate. When used as a wash (engobe), it turned any clay, regardless of its color, into a canvas that could be painted upon. The first-generation Kenzan had recognized the importance of this pigment, calling it “the most important secret of the Kenzan kiln.” Even in the opening of the 20th century, when these premodern pastimes were recast for newly risen white-collar workers under the rubric of shumi or hobby, pottery-as-shumi publications like “Tôkô hitsunô” (Potters’ secrets; Zatsugei sôsho 1,
1915) began its inventory of “raku” glazes by citing Kenzan’s white.
An appedix at the end of the article lists the core components of the first Kenzan’s manual, Tôkô hitsuyô (Potter’s essentials; 1737), and transcribes the document into modern Japanese.departmental bulletin pape
The Strategy of Oki: A Study of Ogawa Kunio's "Kirigamiroi"
Get PDFThis paper examines Ogawa Kunio's (1927-2008) short story titled ""Kirigamiroi"" (Printed in Blood and Vision, 1979), focusing on the analysis of Christian imagination coming from the depiction of Oki (汚鬼, 'The devil') in the story. ""Kirigamiroi"" is considered as one of the Ogawa's Bible-based story series. Oki, whose motif attributes to the Devil in the Bible, appears as the main character in the story. The previous studies have pointed out the importance of Oki's role in the series. However, there is even more to be explored regarding the symbolism of Oki. Therefore, by examining how the story speaks to the theological issue, this paper draws theological meanings of the Devil from the depiction of Oki, exploring the role of Oki in the story as well.
The first chapter of this paper summarizes Middleton's approach of examining the theological meanings in fiction. His approach is first to examine fiction in its terms and then determines how novel informs theological issue. Rather than using the conventional method of seeing how novels fit or do not fit into a systematic theology and sorting the characteristics into those issues, this approach enables opening up the theological discussion widely. However, this approach may overlook the elements outside of the text as its analysis heavily draws on Narratology, a study centering on story elements. By referring to Ferretter's Christian literary theory, this paper augments Middleton's approach to determine not only the theological meanings about the Devil from the depiction of Oki but also social and Ogawa's work context in which Oki involved.
Discussing the elements outside of ""Kirigamiroi,"" the second chapter explores the following question: why was Oki the main character since the middle of the Bible-based story series? In comparison to ""A Chronicle of Yoreha"" (1976-1978) and ""A Date Forest"" (1984), ""Kirigamiroi"" can be featured as the first story in which an opposition between people of God and that of who succumbs to Oki becomes obvious. This opposition strengthens an apocalyptic worldview in the series and resonates with social uncertainty in the late 1970s. This paper determines Oki as the character whose role is to make chaos by enticing people into sin, which also implies Ogawa's reflection on the social situation in the late 1970s. Oki embodies these concepts of apocalypticism and social unrest while simulating the role of the Devil in the story ""Kirigamiroi"".
The third chapter examines how ""Kirigamiroi"" cautions about the Devil through the depiction of Oki. Resembling the tempt story in the Bible, ""Kirigamiroi"" shares the common story type's elements and features temper as Oki. Oki tempts 'Paroi' (パロイ, 'Paroi') to kill his brother 'Kirigamiroi' (キリガミロイ, 'Kirigamiroi'), employing smooth tongue, a strategy for tempting Paroi. Oki deceives Paroi by betraying himself falsely, which leads to Paroi being enticed to disregard God and aggravates Paroi's pride towards 'Kirigamiroi.' Through depicting the strategy of Oki in detail, ""Kirigamiroi"" speaks to the theological issue pertaining to the Devil andbring its masked work to light.
In conclusion, ""Kirigamiroi"" is the oeuvre which effectively embodies biblical ideas of the Devil into the depiction of Oki and exposes its strategy for tempting human beings. Also, the chaos made by Oki in the story resonate social situation in the 1970s and deepens the apocalyptic worldview. Employing profound Christian imagination, Ogawa's ""Kirigamiroi"" stimulates theological reflection about the Devil and invites readers to ponder the theological thought on the Devil's work both in fiction and reality.departmental bulletin pape
