Journal for Deradicalization
Not a member yet
320 research outputs found
Sort by
What is the Impact of Foreign Military Intervention on Radicalization?
Get PDFIn an era where the use of military intervention is being debated by governments and societies all around the globe, the potentially radicalizing impact of the specific form of intervention has remained chronically underexplored. The article addresses this lack of research, by examining the radicalizing effects of full-scale military engagement and the consequences of more limited, aerial intervention. In an effort to inform the contentious discussion around foreign military intervention, it draws examples from the ‘War on Terror’ in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as the more recent airstrikes employed through the US drone programme against Al-Qaeda and coalition strikes against the so-called Islamic State, illustrating the risks and outcomes of ‘boots on the ground’ versus engaging in more ‘distant’ warfare. It concludes that whilst other factors clearly play a role in an individual’s journey towards extremism, intervention by a foreign power can encourage the process of radicalization, or ‘de-pluralization’ - the developing perception that there exists only one solution, extreme violence - to take place. However, it finds that the type of intervention plays a critical role in determining how individuals experience this process of de-pluralization; full-scale intervention can result in a lack of monitoring alongside frustrations (about lost sovereignty for example), a combination which paves the way for radical ideology. Conversely, airstrikes present those underneath with unequal and unassailable power that cannot be fairly fought, fuelling interest in exporting terrorism back to the intervening countries
Extremismus im Klassenzimmer - Theoretische Chancen und Möglichkeiten des Politikunterrichtes. (Extremism in the Class Room. Theoretical Chances and Perspectives for Teaching Politics)
No full textDurch Phänomene wie PEGIDA wird eine Unsicherheit in der Bevölkerung ausgedrückt, die auch vor den Schultüren nicht Halt macht. Ein Querschnitt der Gesellschaft sitzt im Klassenraum und auf diesen muss sich eingestellt werden. Ob Kinder zuhause oder in ihrer Freizeit mit Populismus konfrontiert werden, die Schule hat als immer größerer Teil im Leben von Schülern in Deutschland (im Zuge der nach und nach fortschreitenden Einführung eines Ganztages-Prinzips) auch eine Verantwortung mit diesen Eindrücken und Einflüssen bedacht umzugehen. Deutschland sollte aus der eigenen Geschichte heraus zudem die aufmerksame und sensible Handhabung mit extremem Gedankengut im Allgemeinen und mit rechtsextremistischem Gedankengut im Besonderen haben. Die Tendenz zu den politischen Extremen in wirtschaftlich und sozial herausfordernden Zeiten ist ein mit jedem wirtschaftlichen Abschwung auftretendes Phänomen, aber stark nationalistisches Gedankengut ist mit der heutigen Idealvorstellung von einem offenen Europa nicht vereinbar. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland fußt die politische Bildung, geschichtlich begründet, auf demokratievermittelnden Prinzipien. Diese eignen sich vielseitig für die Auseinandersetzung mit Extremismus und den hierzu unumstrittenen Grundlagen und Werte der pluralistischen Gesellschaft in einer Demokratie. Das Kontroversitätsgebot des Beutelsbacher Konsenses aus dem Jahr 1977 (vgl Breit/Massig, 1993) bietet einen Ansatz zur Behandlung von Extremismus in der politischen Bildung auf der Grundlage der gegenseitigen Akzeptanz. Hier wird das Kontroversitätsgebot aufgeschlüsselt und anschließend auf Extremismus in der Schule bezogen. Die Fragestellung, wie der Politikunterricht trotz des Kontroversitätsgebotes mit Extremismus umgehen sollte, ist auf den Umgang mit dem gegenwärtigen Rechtsextremismus ausgelegt, welcher einen großen Teil politisch motivierter Straftaten begründet, sich in radikalisierter Form am stärksten gegen Menschen wendet und durch seine Grundsätze untrennbar mit Gewalt verbunden ist. English AbstractPhenomena such as PEGIDA express an insecurity within the population that does not stop at school doors. A broad societal representation sits in the classroom and schools needs to adapt to this reality. Whether children are confronted with populism at home or in their leisure time, the school has an ever-increasing part in the life of pupils in Germany and has a responsibility to deal with these impressions and influences carefully. Germany should also use attentive and sensitive handling of extreme ideas in general and right-wing extremist ideas in particular based on its own history. The tendency to shift towards political extremes in economically and socially challenging times is a phenomenon that occurs with every economic depression, but strongly nationalist ideas are incompatible with today's ideal of an open Europe. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political education is historically based on principles that impart democracy. These are versatile and suitable for dealing with extremism and the undisputed foundations and values of a pluralistic society in a democracy. The controversial requirement of the Beutelsbach Consensus of 1977 offers an approach to countering extremism in political education on the basis of mutual acceptance. Here, the controversy requirement is broken down and then referred to extremism at school. The question of how political education should deal with extremism despite the need for controversy is applied to dealing with current right-wing extremism, which is based on a large number of politically motivated crimes, is most radically opposed to human beings and is inextricably linked to violence through its principles. The article was written in German.
A Literature Review on Methodology used in Evaluating Effects of Preventive and De-radicalisation Interventions
Get PDFPolicies aimed at preventing (further) radicalisation or aimed at de-radicalisation are required to be 'evidence-based'. This suggests that evaluators should apply rigorous empirical methodology and measurement techniques. However, it is often unclear what this evidence should consist of and how it should be gathered. In the present paper we present results of a literature review focusing on evaluations of programmes aimed at preventing radicalisation or de-radicalisation between 1990 until July 2014. We identified 55 manuscripts including 135 participant samples. Primary qualitative or quantitative empirical data about effectiveness of an intervention was presented in only 16 participant samples (12%). The outcomes are discussed with respect to methods and interventions used in the research field of criminology, a valuable source of methodological experience in conducting evaluation research in challenging circumstances. We recommend the use of empirical studies using quantitative data when possible (i.e., in preventive interventions) and a multi-method approach for evaluating programmes in (even) more challenging contexts (i.e., de-radicalisation programmes)
Neo-fascist mobilization in contemporary Italy. Ideology and repertoire of action of CasaPound Italia.
Get PDFAlthough the most researched extreme right actors take the form of political parties, social movements research has recently started analysing extreme right organizations that go beyond ordinary politics and that take the form of 'groupuscular’ organizations. However, most existing contributions rely on secondary data and focus mainly on public networks and online activism of extreme right actors and their strategies of action. Very few ethnographic studies of extreme right social movements exist with the result that we still need a deeper understanding of their off-line mobilization, ideological discourse and militancy and how these in turn interact with the choice of specific repertoires of action. In this framework, the aim of this paper is to present the findings of a research project that explored dynamics of militant participation and forms of activism promoted by a neo-fascist organization: CasaPound Italia. Combining ethnography, semi-structured interviews and content analysis, we analyse the communicative, organizational and ideological nature of CasaPound’s political engagement, and its heterogeneous, unconventional melange of political references, communication strategies and choices of protest action
Evolutionary Emotional Intelligence for Social Workers: Status and the Psychology of Group Violence
Get PDFThe significance of statusBetween nations and across cultures, threats to the social status of an individual or group motivate retaliatory violence. History provides countless examples of such violence, committed at all levels of society. Whether orchestrated by individuals or governments, the perpetrators almost invariably justify the violence as a necessary response to an existential threat. “Cultures of honor” such as the Southeastern United States condone the use of violence to protect one’s reputation and, unsurprisingly, this region of America has consistently produced the highest levels of per capita violence in the entire country.Additionally, religious texts warn of the destructive power of “pride,” placing it with envy, greed, wrath, lust, gluttony and sloth as one of the Seven Deadly Sins. Our personal experiences with road rage, school bullies and office politics all provide a regular stream of anecdotal evidence of the inexplicably powerful emotions driving those whose status has been threatened.As a former mental health counselor, criminal prosecutor and gang task force coordinator in the Southeastern United States, this author has personally observed numerous examples of pride’s destructive influence. Deadly bar fights, domestic violence and street gang conflicts frequently ensue from seemingly trivial offenses to one’s status. In American cities,simply spray painting over a rival gang’s graffiti can lead to retaliation murder. In fact, gang retaliation plays out so consistently that when a gang entrenched neighborhood gets shot up, the police can usually predict which neighborhood they will respond to for the next shooting.
The value-based Nationalism of Pegida
Get PDFIn the fall of 2014, the new German grassroots political protest movement “Pegida” emerged. The movement’s targets of criticism include the pronounced ‘failures’ of German asylum and immigration policy, refugees, and a so-called “Islamization.” This contribution is an analysis of Pegida's programmatic publications. Pegida claims to promote national values and already has a positive image of Germany in particular and the nation state in general. Germany is seen as an agency of ‘humanity’ that fulfils a selfless moral mission in granting asylum to refugees. For Pegida, the consequences of this policy include ‘foreign infiltration,’ as well as so-called “Muslim parallel societies,” which are seen as dangerous imports of competing moralities. To save the ‘good order’ that said “patriotic Europeans” imagine as their home, the integration of foreign ‘national identities’ is seen as both necessary and hard to achieve. Therefore, Pegida demands the optimization of state force and its use to establish a requirement of integration and enforce the sanctioning of criminal immigrants and “asylum betrayers.” According to this logic, the preservation of home through a “zero tolerance policy” is a self-purpose, ensuring to prevent negative social consequences like poverty and unemployment. The result of this analysis proposes an explanation approach to the xenophobic logic of Pegida's value-based nationalism
Supporting families of foreign fighters. A realistic approach for measuring the effectiveness
Get PDFRecently so-called ´family hotlines’ were launched in the Netherlands, France, Austria, serving as a resource for the parents and relatives who are confronted with the (potential) foreign fighter phenomenon. The hotline connects callers with social and religious services in an effort help prevent the (further) radicalisation of young Muslims or support families whose loved ones have travelled to Syria. In other countries such as Denmark (Aarhus) family talk groups were set up by the municipality or by affected parents, such as ‘Les parents concernés’ in Belgium. Family support is a relatively new approach within counter-radicalisation policy in which the Germans pioneered since 2012.Supporting families is considered valuable for several reasons and can be provided at different stages (Gielen, 2014):In its earliest stages, family support can be provided to parents of individuals at risk, by addressing their concerns, working on (maintaining) a positive family environment with an open atmosphere in which they can discuss extremist ideas with their child and provide positive alternatives. If radical or extremist ideas lead to travel to a conflict zone abroad, such as Syria or Iraq, foreign fighters quite often remain in touch with their families back home. Family support can then be aimed at maintaining contact with their children or relatives and in creating a positive environment for a child to return home;When extremist views turn into violence and ultimately imprisonment, families can be supported whilst their relative is imprisoned or afterwards in the re-integration and re-habilitation process, such going back to school and helping them find a job.If practitioners are able to create and sustain a relationship with families of foreign fighters, then it will be easier to create an entry point for contact with the foreign fighter upon his/her return. This is of particular importance, as families are also crucial for de-radicalisation and disengagement work. Moreover, family members such as brothers, sisters, cousins, but also peers, form an at-risk group of travelling to Syria. Supporting families and the broader professional network of the family (such as school teachers) should enable practitioners and family members to act upon early warning signals and prevent travel of other family members or peers;Providing family support can work as a very powerful narrative for foreign fighters to come home. A lot of foreign fighters are afraid of returning because they fear prosecution or Guantanamo Bay. In one country were family and individual support was offered on a local level, parents spread the word that ‘the government was there to help them’. This message found its way back to the foreign fighters in Syria, providing a powerful narrative and highlighting the internal/external and local/global dimension of providing support;Finally, foreign fighters cause a lot of grief, anxiety, despair and upset for family members to the point they are no longer actively able to participate in society (not able to work etc.) for which psychological counselling is essential.This article will focus on family support as part of counter-radicalisation policy. How can its effectiveness be measured? To answer this question, this article will draw on realistic evaluation which revolves around ‘what works, for who, in which context and how? (Pawson & Tilley 1997). It will discuss the different forms and merits of family support across Europe by drawing upon the lessons learned of practitioners engaging in family support within the Radicalisation Awareness Network (RAN) including two case studies in which support was provided offered to families of foreign fighters by myself. Based on these practitioner experiences hypotheses on family support as part of a counter-radicalisation strategy are developed which in turn could be used for empirical testing
Ideologically Challenging Entertainment (ICE)
Get PDFIdeologically Challenging Entertainment (ICE) is entertainment that challenges ‘us vs. them’ ideologies associated with radicalization, violent conflict and terrorism. ICE presents multiple perspectives on a conflict through mainstream entertainment. This article introduces the theoretical underpinnings of ICE, the first ICE production and the audience responses to it. The first ICE production was Two Merchants: The Merchant of Venice adapted to challenge ideologies of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. A mixed-methods study of audience responses explored whether this production inspired audiences to shift their ideological views. Each performance included two versions of the adaptation: a Jewish dominated society with an Arab Muslim minority, contrasted with an Arab Muslim dominated society and a Jewish minority. A mixed-methods study of audience responses explored whether this production inspired audiences to shift their ideological views to become more tolerant of differences away from ideological radicalization. Of audience members who did not initially agree with the premise of the production, 40% reconsidered their ideological views, indicating increased tolerance, greater awareness of and desire to change their own prejudices. In addition, 86% of the audience expressed their intention to discuss the production with others, thereby encouraging critical engagement with, and broader dissemination of the message. These outcomes suggest that high quality entertainment – as defined by audience responses to it - can become a powerful tool in the struggle against radicalised ideologies
Navigating lived experience: reflections from the field.
Get PDFIn this article I use an autoethnographic approach to reflect on my experiences in Egypt—in which I came to live alongside converts to Islam and interact with adherents to militant salafist belief systems, as well as those who had disengaged from them. I outline how I came to have these lived experiences before explaining how they caused me to reexamine my understanding of radicalization and deradicalization in the militant salafist context, and to consider radicalization as a form of conversion
The need for a national deradicalisation program in Afghanistan
Get PDFThe lack of deradicalisation programs in Afghanistan has potential to prolong the violence and turmoil in the country for decades. With years of conflict, multiple forms of government, high unemployment, high levels of poverty, and a constant influx of Western cultural norms and media fighting against the traditionalist Afghan culture strongly embedded in a conservative reading of Islam, Afghanistan is a breeding ground for radicalism. Youth are susceptible to an environment that causes radicalism and nurtures it, and with the ever-present national conflict, this radicalisation has an outlet in the form of insurgency and terrorism. Groups like the Taliban have easily recruited and radicalised individuals using religion as a justification for their violence. Deradicalisation in Afghanistan is an under researched topic and an underfunded pursuit. With no national deradicalisation strategy it is left to international actors and local organisations to engage in these programs. More must be done to engage with those who have become radicalised and those in high-risk zones in order to help secure the long-term future of Afghanistan. I will discuss how Afghanistan is a breeding ground for radicalisation of individuals due to Afghanistan’s violent, hostile environment with high rates of poverty, high unemployment and distrust toward the authorities. I will then discuss how religion is used a justification by extremist groups for individuals to commit violent acts and how the increasingly precarious security situation in the country means a sound national deradicalisation program is essential. I conclude that any deradicalisation efforts undertaken by the Afghan government so far are piecemeal and inadequate to deal with the on-going problems present in the country and that lessons must be learnt from programs in other Islamic countries that have successfully deradicalised violent extremist groups.